Richmond Journal of Law and Technology

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Co-Developing Drugs with Indigenous Communities: Lessons from Peruvian Law and the Ayahuasca Patent Dispute

Sem Publication Version PDF

Daniel S. Sem*

Cite as: Daniel S. Sem, Co-Developing Drugs with Indigenous Communities: Lessons from Peruvian Law and the Ayahuasca Patent Dispute, 23 Rich. J.L. & Tech. 1 (2016), http://jolt.richmond.edu/2016/12/02/volume23_issue1_sem.

I.  Introduction

[1]       This paper will examine the issues surrounding the co-development of drugs derived from traditional medicines used by indigenous peoples in Amazonia, with a focus on Peru. In particular, this paper will explore what national, regional and international legal structures are in place to protect the interests of indigenous peoples, while at the same time providing medical benefit to the world. This issue is explored in the context of Peruvian, U.S., and international treaties – especially the TRIPS agreement, the Andean Community, sui generis protections, and the US-Peru Trade Promotion Agreement.

[2]       Commenters have noted that historically, drug development ventures based on traditional medical knowledge (TMK) from Amazonia had not been pursued in a manner that was fair and just to the indigenous peoples who owned this knowledge.[1] There are two pragmatic “fairness” considerations in the U.S.-Peruvian co-development of drugs derived from indigenous peoples in Amazonia, based on TMK.[2] First, any co-venture should identify the best legal structure(s) that protects the interests of researchers in both Peru and the United States, and the need to also protect the interests of indigenous peoples.[3]

[3]       Second, any co-venture should consider whether international pharmaceutical patent protection is inherently biased to protect drugs as defined in western (U.S.) medical practice, versus the traditional and historically-based practices of indigenous peoples.[4] There are potential problems for intellectual property (IP) protection, since medical treatments in traditional cultures are typically developed by groups over long periods of time, as opposed to the more rapid discovery by individual researchers or companies in the pharmaceutical industry. In the former situation, it may be impossible to patent a medical treatment if it has been “in use” for many years since prior public use can create novelty or obviousness bars to patenting.[5] Furthermore, most traditional medicines are mixtures of natural products (i.e., chemical compounds that are “products of nature”), comprised of two or more active chemical ingredients; whereas, drug discovery and development in the U.S. focuses on composition of matter patent protection for single chemical compounds. Additionally, most pharmaceutical companies will not develop drugs in the U.S., unless they can obtain composition of matter patent protection on single chemical compounds.

[4]       Given these differences in how medicines are developed and used in the U.S. versus Peru, coupled with different views of IP and TMK, what is the best IP protection and collaborative structure for co-development of medicines by pharmaceutical researchers in the U.S. and Peru, and traditional healers (shamans) in Amazonia? This paper explores the legal and cultural issues surrounding this question, then proposes solutions that build on existing legal structures and trends in the U.S. and Peru.

[5]       Section I of this paper introduces challenges associated with co-development of drugs by researchers, defines key terms and concepts, and provides an example of one TMK-based medicine used by Amazonian shamans. Section II presents an attempted drug development initiative where indigenous rights were ignored. This involved the attempted patenting in the U.S. of a traditional medicine from Amazonia, ayahuasca. Section III of this paper explores the various legal structures and treaties in Peru, the Andean region, and the U.S., as well as international treaties that pertain to intellectual property rights (IPR) of indigenous peoples, with respect to their general traditional knowledge (TK), and TMK in particular. Section IV builds on this background, and proposes a collaborative co-development research agreement that could be used by U.S. and Peruvian researchers who team up to discover and develop new medical treatments based on TMK. Such collaborations could be a tremendous new source of medicines.

[6]       As the pipeline of new medicines coming from the U.S. pharmaceutical industry is dwindling, research and development costs are increasing and productivity of the industry is decreasing.[6] These forces are converging to create intense market pressures, and perhaps more openness to explore new solutions to address the world’s medical needs.[7] These solutions will likely include academic researchers in the U.S. (and Europe) teaming up with researchers in Amazonia, to learn from their indigenous peoples.[8] Together, they can co-develop new medical treatments based on the TMK possessed by Amazonian shamans; but, this can only work efficiently and fairly if the interests of the collaborating research teams and of the indigenous peoples from which the TMK originates, are considered upfront and with equal weight.[9] This paper aims to facilitate that process.

          A.  What are Traditional Knowledge (TK) and Traditional Medical Knowledge (TMK)?

[7]       Traditional knowledge (TK) is defined by the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) as “knowledge, know-how, skills and practices that are developed, sustained and passed on from generation to generation within a community, often forming part of its cultural or spiritual identity.”[10] Negotiations on an international legal instrument, developed by the WIPO Intergovernmental Committee (IGC), are focused on developing protections for TK, along with protections for Traditional Cultural Expressions and Genetic Resources. This paper will focus on identifying protective strategies for a subset of TK, with a focus on TMK.

[8]       Traditional Environmental Knowledge (TEK) is a subset of TK and the focus of western scientific fields such as ethnobotany and ethnomedicine.[11] Martha Johnson defined TEK as “…a body of knowledge built by a group of people through generations, living in close contact with nature. It includes a system of classification, a set of empirical observations about the local environment, and a system of self-management that governs resource use.”[12] TEK can be distinguished from western science in a number of ways, including that: (a) it is transmitted via oral tradition, (b) is holistic (versus reductionist), (c) is based on a view of social and spiritual connections between life forms, (d) views the natural elements as having a life force (infused with spirit), and (e) explains natural phenomena based on cumulative and collective experiences that are regularly validated and revised over time.[13] Thus, while TEK bears some resemblance to western scientific knowledge, it is also distinct in many ways.[14] TEK is especially relevant for this paper, since it is a source of TMK.

[9]       Traditional medical knowledge (TMK) is a type of TK that centers specifically on the knowledge of traditional healers in their use of plant-based medicines.[15] The World Health Organization (WHO) defines TMK as “the sum total of the knowledge, skills and practices based on the theories, beliefs and experiences indigenous to different cultures, whether explicable or not, used in the maintenance of health, as well as in the prevention, diagnosis, improvement or treatment of physical and mental illnesses.”[16] This paper focuses on the use and protection of TMK in Amazonia, with a focus on Peru.

          B.  TMK as a Source of New Medicines

[10]     The pharmaceutical industry benefits greatly from TMK. One estimate is that of the 119 plant-derived chemicals used in modern medicine, 74% have similar current uses as the medicinal plant from which the chemical was identified.[17] The market value of plant-derived medicines was estimated at over $15 billion in 1990, for United States pharmaceutical sales.[18] Amazonia, and Peru in particular, is an especially rich source of traditional medicines.[19] One of the most prominent and spiritually important traditional medicines to Peruvian shamans is ayahuasca.[20]

           C.  Peruvian TMK – Ayahuasca

[11]     Of particular fame and importance amongst shamans in Peru is the ayahuasca plant (Banisteripsis caapi),[21] of the plant family Malpighiaceae. Ayahuasca was discovered and introduced to the scientific community by Harvard biologist and “father of modern ethnobotany,” Richard Evans Schultes.[22] In the native Quechua language of Amazonia, ayahuasca means “vine of the soul.”[23] Ayahuasca is used by indigenous peoples in religious and healing ceremonies.[24] Shamans have used ayahuasca for centuries to treat various psychiatric disorders, which indigenous peoples sometime believed were associated with witchcraft.[25]

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Fig. 1. Picture of a live ayahuasca root (left panel), and a piece of the root sold in a Peruvian market (right panel).[26]

 

[12]     While available for purchase in markets (Fig. 1),[27] the use of ayahuasca is generally restricted to shamans or ayahuasqueros who possess valuable TMK, since they know best how to prepare it in a way that is safe and effective.[28] The ayahuasca plant (Banisteriopsis caapi) vine is mixed in defined ratios and manners with plants such as Psychotria viridis, then boiled.[29] Chemicals from both of these plants work synergistically to produce the desired effect. Specifically, “harmala alkaloid” molecules (Fig. 2)[30] in ayahuasca inhibit an enzyme called monoamine oxidase (MOA) – preventing the chemical breakdown of the active chemical present in the Psychotria viridis plant, dimethyltryptamine (DMT).[31] DMT produces the psychoactive effects of this traditional medicine by altering the activity in brain synapses of the serotonin receptors (Fig. 2).[32]

 

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Fig. 2. Active chemical components in ayahuasca teas used by shamans, with serotonin comparison.[33]

 

[13]     In cases where shamans develop and administer medical treatments based on TMK, and scientists later explain the molecular basis for that medical effect and identify the active chemical components, who is the inventor? This question, exemplified in the case of ayahuasca, is complicated.[34] While the shamans, as TMK practitioners, knew how these plants needed to be mixed to achieve the desired effect, scientists ultimately discovered the molecular reason for needing the mixture.[35] Indeed, scientists could extract the active chemical components, mix them in the correct ratio, and develop this as a drug – taken perhaps as a pill. Which is the greater discovery? Both are important, and certainly the shaman’s TMK is a “but for” cause of the scientific (i.e. molecular) discovery. It seems self-evident that the scientific discovery cannot and should not proceed to the benefit of others, without first considering the rights of the indigenous peoples who made the initial discovery.

[14]     By using TMK, Amazonian shamans uncovered a pharmacologically useful and valuable medical treatment from ayahuasca. This treatment exists only because of specific molecular level interactions. While these molecules might not be patentable subject matter (as products of nature)[36], combinations of molecules might be considered patentable subject matter, as composition of matter. Pharmaceutical companies will typically only develop a drug if composition of matter protection can be obtained. Thus, co-development of TMK-derived drugs poses a challenge to the IP community, in terms of how a useful medical treatment can be patented. It is possible to patent at the level of the plants used, the active chemical components extracted from the plants, or mixtures of those active chemical components.

[15]     TMK-derived drug development also challenges the international community to consider whether it is ethically permissible to allow this type of patenting. Is it right to allow researchers who discover the active molecular components, used in traditional medicines, to patent and then profit from their scientific discoveries, without returning benefit to the shamans? Can they patent them, or are there 35 U.S.C. §102 novelty (prior art) bars that prevent patenting, since shamans have been treating with traditional medicines, like ayahuasca, for centuries? These questions are addressed in Section III. While the scientists who discovered the active chemical components in ayahuasca made no attempt to patent their discovery, there was a significant controversy over an attempt to patent the ayahuasca plant itself.[37] It was after this ayahuasca patent dispute that significant changes to protect TK and TMK were implemented in Peru.

 

II.  A Case Study in Bioprospecting of TMK: Lessons from Ayahuasca

[16]     Despite the fact that ayahuasca use was in the shaman’s TMK toolbox for centuries, Loren Miller obtained a U.S. patent, Plant Patent No. 5,571 on the ayahuasca plant (Banisteriopsis caapi), which issued on June 17th, 1986 (Fig. 3).[38]

 

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Fig. 3. Patent on ayahuasca (Banisteriopsis caapi).[39]

 

[17]     Recognizing this as an exploitation of TK and TMK, in what is referred to as “bioprospecting,” David Downes and Glenn Wiser filed a request for re-examination.[40] Downs and Wiser were with the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL), working on behalf of the Coordinating Body of Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin (COICA) and the Amazon Coalition, on March 30, 1999.[41]

[18]     The Miller patent had a single claim, for “a new and distinct (cultivar) of the species Banisteriopsis caapi,” which Miller called “Da Vine.”[42] Downs and Wiser argued this claim was invalid on a number of legal theories, but especially based on prior art that included publications and plant specimen sheets, such as one listed as: “Plants of Cultivation: Banisteriopsis caapi, Accessioned Specimen Sheet, The University of Michigan Herbarium (mounted Jan. 5, 1981).”[43]

[19]     Wiser and Downes raised five arguments before the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (PTO) as to why the Miller patent was not valid.[44] First, they claimed the existence of significant prior art, which should produce 35 U.S.C. §102 rejections.[45] Specifically, they argue that the plant Miller is patenting is not new and distinct, because it is “well described in the scientific literature and in the ‘traditional knowledge of indigenous peoples throughout Amazon.’”[46] Banisteriopsis caapi was described in herbarium specimens, as well as a number of more typical printed publications that discuss the medicinal and ceremonial use of ayahuasca.[47]

[20]     Second, Wiser and Downes argued that under the U.S. Patent Act one cannot patent plants if they “[are] found in an uncultivated state,” in the wild.[48] There is a statutory bar in 35 U.S.C. §161 that prevents patenting of plants found in the wild, and this should prevent patenting of Miller’s “Da Vine.” While Miller argues that “Da Vine” was only found in a garden (i.e. in a cultivated state), this was apparently not true. Banisteriopsis caapi is actually found throughout the Peruvian Amazon region.[49]

[21]     Downes and Wiser then make a third argument – one that has significant implications, since it also suggests a mechanism by which indigenous peoples might protect their plant-based TMK.[50] They argue that accession sheets of plants from herbarium collections can be categorized as prior art within the meaning of 35 U.S.C. §§ 102 and 103.[51]

 

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Fig. 4. Sample of a herbarium sheet from Cayetano University in Peru.[52]

 

[22]     The existence of such herbarium sheets should bar any future patenting of the plant that was preserved on the sheet.[53] While there may only be a single copy of the herbarium sheet, if it is accessible to the public, it may be considered prior art. In the same way that “a single catalogued thesis in one university library [constitutes] sufficient accessibility to those interested in the art exercising reasonable diligence,” is considered a printed publication, for purposes of a prior art rejection under 35 U.S.C. §102.[54] To serve as prior art, the herbarium sheets must be accessible and available to persons interested in the subject matter­–in this case medicinal plants associated with the TMK of Amazonian shamans. If this is true, then one way for indigenous peoples to prevent patenting of their medicinal plants is to make herbarium sheets containing dried plant specimens with written entries (e.g. describing the plant, where collected, date collected), such as that shown in Fig. 4 from the University of Cayetano in Peru.[55]

[23]     Downs and Wiser make a fourth argument, based more on a sense of social justice than on patent law.[56] They argue that the patent should be canceled because the plant (ayahuasca) has been used by indigenous peoples for hundreds of years, long before Miller considered patenting “Da Vine.”[57] Of course, the challenge from a patent perspective is that this use – part of an oral tradition – may not have been documented in any printed publication and U.S. patent law does not prevent patenting of subject matter that was simply “in use” in a foreign country (at least not before the 2013 America Invents Act [AIA]).[58] In an analogous situation, a U.S. patent for use of turmeric in wound healing (based on Indian TMK) was issued in 1995.[59] This patent was canceled because turmeric had actually been used for many generations by indigenous peoples in India for this same purpose, so the invention was not considered novel.[60]

 

[24]     Finally, Downs and Will argued that the Miller patent should not be allowed on moral and public policy grounds:

“… issuance of the Patent does not meet the public policy and morality aspects of the Patent Act, which preclude awarding a patent on a plant … that is sacred to indigenous peoples … and revered in their cultures for many generations … the PTO should not provide patent protection to a plant based on supposed medicinal characteristics that are well known in the systems of traditional knowledge of indigenous peoples … the PTO may and should decline to award intellectual property rights where their imposition would violate established moral, religious and cultural values.”[61]

[25]     While this moral argument is attractive, there is little support in U.S. patent law for an argument based on protection of “moral, religious and cultural values.”[62] U.S. patent law has no equivalent to the moral rights doctrine of copyright law. Although, a PTO Media Advisory statement[63] offers a glimmer of hope for moral grounds arguments – noting that courts had excluded inventions that are “injurious to the well-being, good policy, or good morals of society.”[64] Downs and Wiser argue that patenting plants like ayahuasca, which are used widely in religious ceremonies as part of indigenous peoples’ TMK, “offends religious and moral sensibilities” and “wrongly appropriates traditional knowledge of indigenous and local communities [and] may deprive its creators and conservators of incentives to preserve, develop and improve upon it.”[65] Perhaps because this moral sensibilities argument is not supported by U.S. patent law and associated legal precedent, the PTO ultimately based its decision to reject the Miller patent on other arguments presented by Downs and Wiser.[66]

[26]     After considering the request for reexamination and the various arguments presented by Downs and Wiser, the PTO responded by rejecting the Miller patent in a November 3, 1999 office action.[67] They did this in part based on a consideration of the herbarium specimen sheets as being “printed matter” that could serve as prior art, under §102(b).[68] One particular herbarium specimen that was identified as prior art was: “Plants of Cultivation: Banisteriopsis caapi, The University of Michigan Herbarium (mounted Jan. 5, 1981).”[69] This is significant precedent because it is the first such consideration of herbarium sheets as prior art. Thus, herbarium sheets like those in Fig. 4 could be used as a bar to prevent patenting of plants that are part of TMK, and a potential source of new drugs.[70] This result suggests one mechanism by which countries with indigenous populations might protect their plant-based TMK – by creating herbarium collections documenting the plants they use in traditional medicine. By rejecting the patent based on this narrow view only (i.e. §102, prior art), the PTO avoided the broader question of rejection based on public policy and morality grounds, which could potentially be associated with the Patent Act’s utility requirement, as noted in the Media Advisory statement.[71]

 

[27]     The “Da Vine” patent reexamination teaches three important lessons. First, one way to prevent biopiracy is to create “printed documents” that could serve as prior art, and therefore block the patenting of plant-based TMK. Second, one effective type of “printed document” that can be used for this purpose are collections of herbarium sheets that document the plants that are part of shamanic TMK. If indigenous peoples take this defensive move of creating herbarium sheets as prior art, they should be aware that this may also prevent them from patenting as well, either alone or as part of a collaborative drug co-development effort. Prior art creation is a protective tool that cuts both ways; so, it should be used with caution. Third, an argument based on the moral and social harm caused to indigenous peoples, while intuitively attractive, may not carry weight with the PTO due to lack of supporting legal precedent and statutory language.

 

III. Legal protections of TMK For Drug Co-Development in Peru

          A.  Peruvian, Bolivian and Ecuadoran Law

               a.  Constitutional Protections in Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador

[28]     While Peru does not directly protect indigenous rights, Chapter II, Article 68 of the Peruvian Constitution provides a related protection: “The State is obliged to promote the conservation of biological diversity, and protected natural areas.”[72] So, to the extent that TMK is associated with biological diversity (i.e. plant-based medicines), Peru has some relevant constitutional protection. In contrast, Bolivia and Ecuador’s more recent constitutions have more explicit protections for indigenous people’s TK, with several articles of the Bolivian Constitution excerpted below:

Article 42: The promotion of traditional medicine shall incorporate a registry of natural medicines and their active substances, as well as the protection of the associated knowledge as intellectual, historical and cultural property, and as patrimony of indigenous nations and peoples.

Article 100. The State shall protect knowledge by means of a registry of intellectual property that safeguards the intangible rights of indigenous nations and peoples…

Article 304. Indigenous autonomies have the following competences: … safeguard and register collective intellectual rights related to knowledge on genetic resources, traditional medicine and germplasm …[73]

[29]     The Bolivian Constitution is relatively new, having been approved only in 2009; and, it is a result of the 2005 election of Evo Morales, an Aymara coca peasant who fought for the rights of indigenous peoples.[74] Given its origins in a political movement focused on indigenous peoples, it can be viewed as a model for national protection of TK IP rights. While Bolivia and Ecuador are unique in having these protections at the constitutional level, their Constitutions may have value as persuasive legal authority for other Andean Community countries like Peru, and for any country that seeks to protect the TK and TMK of its indigenous peoples.

               b. Sui Generis Protections in Peru: Law No. 27811

[30]     While Peru does not protect TMK at the constitutional level, it does protect TK and TMK in its national legislation.[75] In particular, Peru passed Law No. 27811 in 2002, introducing a Protective Regime for the Collective Knowledge of Indigenous People Derived from Natural Resources. The objectives of Law No. 27811 are stated in Article 5:

(a) To promote respect for and the protection, preservation, wider application and development of the collective knowledge of indigenous peoples;

(b) To promote the fair and equitable distribution of the benefits derived from the use of that collective knowledge;

(c) To promote the use of the knowledge for the benefit of the indigenous peoples and mankind in general;

(d) To ensure that the use of the knowledge takes place with the prior informed consent of the indigenous peoples;

(e) To promote the strengthening and development of the potential of the indigenous peoples and of the machinery traditionally used by them to share and distribute collectively generated benefits under the terms of this regime;

(f) To avoid situations where patents are granted for inventions made or developed on the basis of collective knowledge of the indigenous peoples of Peru without any account being taken of that knowledge as prior art in the examination of the novelty and inventiveness of the said inventions.[76]

[31]     Noteworthy is the emphasis on informed consent and equitable sharing of benefits, along with specific protections for patents and other protections.[77]

[32]     The “Protective Regime for the Collective Knowledge of Indigenous People Derived from Natural Resources” (Law No. 27811) goes beyond the general objectives outlined in Article 5, to describe in detail how TK (and TMK) is to be protected. It explains the key considerations when intellectual property is to be licensed from indigenous peoples. In particular, if a third party is going to commercialize traditional knowledge (Article 7) it requires outside parties to sign license agreements to “ensure due reward for said access and … equitable distribution of the benefits … .”[78] A percentage of benefits (at least 10%) must go to the Fund for the Development of Indigenous Peoples (Article 8).[79] Thus, it ensures that the indigenous owners of TMK are duly rewarded, and benefits obtained in any drug co-development efforts are shared equitably. Furthermore, it explicitly points out that protected knowledge does not belong to individuals, but rather to groups of indigenous peoples.[80] That is, knowledge and discovery is “collective” (Article 10), in contrast to the individualistic approach that underlies U.S. patent law and, more generally, U.S. culture.[81]

[33]     The law goes on to describe how national registers of TK and TMK are to be created. Title VI describes the formation of registers of collective knowledge, with Article 15 explicitly creating three types of registers: (a) Local Registers of Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples, (b) Private National Registers of Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples, and (c) Public National Registers of Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples.[82] Article 20 describes what type of information must be included in the registration of the TK and TMK into these registers.[83]

[34]     These three registers each serve unique and important purposes. The first, The Local Registers, are managed by indigenous peoples with assistance of the National Institute for the Protection of Competition and Intellectual Property (INDECOPI).[84] They serve the local needs of indigenous peoples, to enable sharing of their TMK with each other, and to provide a high level of access to and control of information by the local community. The second, the Private National Registers, are kept confidential, and contain what could be viewed as trade secrets.[85] These trade secrets could be licensed to third parties, if desired. The third, the Public National Registers, could serve the alternative purpose of providing prior art that will prevent the patenting of TMK by other countries (e.g. via 35 U.S.C. §102 in the U.S.).[86] Indeed, Article 23 specifically states that “INDECOPI shall send the information entered in the Public National Register to the main patent offices of the world in order that it may be treated as prior art in the examination of the novelty and inventiveness of patent applications.”[87] Thus, Peru has made a very explicit defensive move to prevent the patenting of its TK and TMK; this was a valuable lesson from the ayahuasca case above (section II), and is now institutionalized in national policy.[88] Interestingly, the recent passage of the U.S. AIA has obviated some of the need for this defensive strategy, since prior use (even if no printed publication exists) is now considered a bar in considering novelty or non-obviousness (inventiveness).[89] This is discussed in greater detail in section III(E).

 

[35]     The Private National Register contains TK and TMK trade secrets which could be of significant value to the world as a source of new medicines. To enable dissemination of this TMK, if desired, indigenous peoples can license their TMK to third parties, such as pharmaceutical companies. But, they must register the license according to the Article 26 “Compulsory written form for license contracts” requirements.[90] The contents of this contract are designed to protect the intellectual property rights (IPRs) of the indigenous owner, and are specified in Article 27:

(c) A statement of the compensation that the indigenous peoples receive for the use of their collective knowledge; such compensation shall include an initial monetary or other equivalent payment for its sustainable development, and a percentage … of the gross sales resulting from the marketing of the goods developed …;

(d) The provision of sufficient information on the purposes, risks and implications of the said activity … ;

(e) The obligation on the licensee to inform the licensor periodically … of progress in the research on and industrialization and marketing of the goods developed …;

(f) The obligation on the licensee to contribute to the improvement of the ability of the indigenous peoples to make use of the collective knowledge …[91]

[36]     A “toolkit” to assist in compliance with this licensing process is available from WIPO.[92] The required elements of a TMK license contract are designed to protect the interests and rights of the indigenous owners, and should be considered in the preparation of any drug co-development research agreements between Peruvian researchers and their U.S. or other foreign collaborators.[93]

          B.  U.S.-Peru Trade Promotion Agreement (TPA)

[37]     Beyond the scope of TRIPS (Trade Related Aspect of Intellectual Property) standards, the U.S.–with WTO (World Trade Organization) enforcement (as described in Section III(D))[94]–has also pursued bi-lateral trade agreements with individual countries, typically seeking higher IPR standards.[95] Such bi-lateral agreements often lead to less protection for TK, so are often conceded to by developing countries only because of the other benefits they receive. While the end result may provide broader benefits to the government that signs, such bi-lateral agreements – and the associated concessions that are made – can anger indigenous groups and their representatives. This appears to have been the case in Peru as well.

[38]     The U.S. and Peru signed the Trade Promotion Agreement (TPA) in 2006.[96] Within the TPA is a benefit to the so-called Andean Community countries (Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Columbia)[97], via the Andean Trade Protection Act (ATPA). This benefit to the Andean Community countries required that IPRs be protected adequately under WTO, as specified by TRIPS standards. Peru signed various amendments on Dec. 21st, 2008, to permit compliance with the TPA with the U.S. These changes generally strengthened IP, and weakened protections of TK, TMK and biodiversity, against patenting and bioprospecting.[98] At about this same time (Dec. 31st, 2008), likely in reaction to signing of the TPA, the local government in Cusco released an executive order to “protect traditional knowledge, practices and innovations of local communities.”[99] This protection included a requirement to use “informed consent, compulsory benefit sharing and the right of communities to say no to bioprospecting.” [100] Furthermore, any bioprospecting requires a permit, and the government will monitor such activities to protect the interests of local communities.[101] These protections of TK and TMK are in keeping with the Article 5 priorities outlined in Peru’s sui generis protection (described above, in section III(A)(b)), and are consistent with the Constitutional IPR protections provided in Bolivia (described in section III(A)(a)).[102]

 

[39]     Importantly, the TPA with the U.S. included an “Understanding Regarding Biodiversity and Traditional Knowledge,” in an effort to provide some protection of TK and TMK.[103]   The Understanding stated:

The Parties recognize the importance of traditional knowledge … to cultural, economic, and social development. The Parties recognize the importance of the following: (1) obtaining informed consent from the appropriate authority prior to accessing genetic resources under the control of such authority; (2) equitably sharing the benefits arising from the use of traditional knowledge and genetic resources; and (3) promoting quality patent examination to ensure the conditions of patentability are satisfied …

Each Party shall endeavor to seek ways to share information that may have a bearing on the patentability of inventions based on traditional knowledge or genetic resources by providing:

(a) publicly accessible databases that contain relevant information; and

(b) an opportunity to cite, in writing, to the appropriate examining authority prior art that may have a bearing on patentability. [104]

[40]     While the Understanding does not oblige each country or its nationals to undertake specific actions in relationship to TMK, the Understanding’s basic recognition of TMK sets an important precedent. Previously, the U.S. had felt that TK and TMK protections should be secured through the WIPO; but, the Andean Community countries – operating as a regional group with enhanced political bargaining power – were successful in getting this Understanding added to the TPA.[105] This Understanding can hopefully serve as a starting point and model for how the IPRs of indigenous peoples can and should be protected in trade agreements, as well as in other contexts. Noteworthy is its emphasis on informed consent, sharing of benefits, assistance in obtaining patents, and use of TK databases.[106] These are also key elements in regional regulations for the Andean Community, described in the next section.

 

          C.  Regional Protections: The Andean Community Intellectual Property Regime

[41]     The Andean Community is an agreement that was signed in 1969, and currently includes Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador and Columbia (Venezuela withdrew in 2006 when Peru signed the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the U.S.).[107] The Andean Community has generated a number of supranational institutions, including the “Commission of national executives, a General Secretariat of regional administrators, and a Tribunal of Justice (the ATJ or the Andean Tribunal).”[108]

[42]     This Andean Community has had its most significant successes in the realm of protecting intellectual property (96% of rulings relate to IP), developing supranational laws called “Decisions” to regulate patents, trademarks and copyrights.[109] Andean IP Decisions are adopted at the national level by member states. Then they are interpreted in national courts, administrative agencies in member states, or by the ATJ.[110]

[43]     The Andean governments have used the political clout afforded to them, via participation in the Andean Community, to facilitate incorporation of normally optional TRIPS “flexibilities” as obligatory features of Andean law.[111] To this end, “member states made a collective decision to capitalize on TRIPS’ flexibilities as a way to promote public health,” and to resist pressure from stronger international forces, like pharmaceutical companies from the United States.[112] In effect, membership in the Andean Community gives strength to individual countries, by virtue of their banding together, to enforce what are sometimes optional and yet advantageous TRIPS features. This enhanced bargaining power plays a central role in securing TK and TMK protections for indigenous peoples, as in the U.S.-Peru TPA agreement discussed above.

[44]     As a complement to regional treaties, local laws can provide additional protections – as Cusco had pursued in parallel with Peru’s signing of the U.S.-Peru TPA.[113] As discussed above, the signing of this international agreement (the TPA) by Peru was closely linked to complementary and compensatory initiatives at the local (Cusco) and regional (Andean Community) levels, which ultimately led to stronger TK and TMK protections. Accordingly, any drug co-development initiative with Peru must recognize the complementary TMK protections that have been created at the local, national, regional, and international levels.

          D.  International Treaties: Role of UN, TRIPS, WTO and WIPO

[45]     International protections for indigenous IPRs go beyond bi-lateral agreements like the TPA. Although they are not a focus of this paper, since regional and bi-lateral agreements are usually compliant with and more specific than the international treaties. Nonetheless, a brief overview of key international treaties and agreements will be presented. One such agreement is the United Nations (UN) Convention on Biological Diversity.[114] This agreement protects TK, which is related to biological diversity, and encourages sharing of the benefits of that knowledge. Article 8(j) of the Convention provides that each Party shall:

[s]ubject to its national legislation, respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innovations and practices of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional lifestyles relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity and promote their wider application with the approval and involvement of the holders of such knowledge, innovations and practices and encourage the equitable sharing of the benefits arising from the utilization of such knowledge, innovations and practices.[115]

[46]     The emphasis on preservation of TK is noteworthy, promoting the wider application of the TK and the sharing of benefits obtained through the use of the TK. More broadly, the Convention on Biological Diversity focuses on protecting biological diversity in the context of other goals such as the need for medicines.[116] The treaty has importance for bioprospecting, as well as collaborative research between countries involving natural products and TMK.

[47]     The Trade Related Aspects of IP (TRIPS) agreement is an international treaty that seeks to harmonize IP laws between member countries while still honoring and respecting national laws and sovereignty.[117] TRIPS is the most extensive multinational agreement on IP and covers patents, trademarks, copyrights, and trade secrets.[118] But TRIPS has not provided significant protections for TMK (beyond certain “flexibilities”), since the interests of developing nations must often yield to those of more powerful developed countries (and opt-out of the “flexibilities”).[119] The World Trade Organization (WTO) requires TRIPS ratification for membership. So it is not uncommon for developing countries to make undesired concessions regarding IP rights (defined in TRIPS), in order to secure the trade benefits they desire.[120] Counteracting this pressure is the strength that regional alliances, like the Andean Community, provide so that TMK protections can be obtained (e.g. making TRIPS “flexibilities” mandatory in member countries).[121]

[48]     Both Peru and the United States are members of TRIPS. Membership in TRIPS requires compliance with earlier IP treaties and conventions, including WIPO, the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property (Paris Convention),[122] and the Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works (Berne Convention).[123] While TRIPS provides the underlying IP principals, enforcement typically occurs within member states and disputes are handled by the World Trade Organization (WTO).[124] Since any IPR agreement or treaty developed by or between Peru and the U.S. must be compliant with TRIPS, the agreements and treaties with greatest impact on drug co-development between researchers in Peru and the U.S. are the bi-lateral, regional and national agreements discussed in sections III A-C.

 

          E.  Changes in U.S. Patent Law: the America Invents Act (AIA)

[49]     What effect do the America Invents Act (AIA) changes to U.S. patent law have on protections of indigenous IPR?[125] Under the old 35 U.S.C. §102, if TMK was “in use” for hundreds of years by shamans in Peru but never recorded in a printed publication, then there would be no prior art bar to patenting in the U.S. This would seem to enable biopiracy of TMK in an undesirable way. Prior to March 16th, 2013 (when the AIA went into effect), U.S. patent law did not recognize TK and TMK as prior art if it was only “in use” in a foreign country.[126] Indeed, the Patent Act of 1952 would have permitted patenting of an invention based on long-held TMK (as long as it was undocumented) based on the previous version of 35 U.S.C. §102 (key elements underlined):

A person shall be entitled to a patent unless –

(a) the invention was known or used by others in this country, or patented or described in a printed publication in this or a foreign country, before the invention thereof by the applicant for patent, or

(b) the invention was patented or described in a printed publication in this or a foreign country or in public use or on sale in this country, more than one year prior to the date of the application for patent in the United States.[127]

[50]     According to the plain language of the statute, while an invention may have been used in the country of origin (e.g. Peru), 35 U.S.C. §102 will only prevent patenting of inventions that were in use in the U.S. or described in a printed publication anywhere.[128] Thus, when the University of Mississippi Medical Center tried to patent turmeric for healing wounds, they were not prevented from patenting simply because turmeric was widely used for that purpose in India.[129] Rather, what led to the patent being revoked was the appearance of this use of turmeric in printed publications.[130] Likewise, even though ayahuasca had been used for centuries by Amazonian shamans (i.e. been “in use”), this did not produce a 35 U.S.C. §102 prior art rejection (see section II). Rather, the rejection of the Miller patent on ayahuasca was based on the presence of herbarium sheets that described the ayahuasca plant.[131] Indeed, this is a significant reason why countries like Peru are documenting the plants associated with their TMK in registries and using herbarium sheets. One of the objectives of Peru’s sui generis protections (section III(A)(b)) is to ensuring that foreign bioprospectors are barred from patenting due to the existence of this prior art.[132] But the situation has changed under AIA, where the new language of 35 U.S.C. §102 is:

(a) A person shall be entitled to a patent unless:

(1) the claimed invention was patented, described in a printed publication, or in public use, on sale, or otherwise available to the public before the effective filing date of the claimed invention;[133]

[51]     Notably, now 35 U.S.C. §102 considers “public use … or otherwise available” anywhere (in foreign countries and in the U.S.) as creating a prior art bar to patenting.[134] Thus, under the AIA, the need for countries to maintain registries and herbarium sheets of plants used in TMK is lessened, as long as they have other means to establish that the plant and/or TMK had been “in use … or otherwise available.”[135]   This is a significant step forward in the prevention of biopiracy, and the protection of TK and TMK.

 

IV.  Model For U.S.-Peru Collaborative Drug Development

          A.  Building on Current IPR Protections for TMK in Peru

               a.  Key Elements of TMK Protections to Include in Research Agreements Involving Indigenous Communities

[52]     Constitutional protections of TMK in Peru are limited to “conservation of biological diversity,” which includes plant-based medicines.[136] Bolivia, a member of the Andean Community along with Peru, has constitutional protections (see section III(A)(a)) that go further to explicitly ensure “promotion of traditional medicine” by mandating a “registry of natural medicines and of their curative properties … as well as the protection of their knowledge as intellectual … property … of nations and indigenous peoples.”[137] This theme of protecting TMK in registries and protecting it as the IP of indigenous peoples, is also manifested in Peru’s sui generis protections (see section III(A(b))).

[53]     Peruvian sui generis protections emphasize creation of databases of TMK, both public (as a defense against foreign patents) and private (as a source of licensable trade secrets). Other elements of the sui generis protections include: (a) promotion of respect, preservation, and wider application of TMK, (b) promotion of the use of TMK to benefit the “indigenous peoples and mankind in general,” (c) freedom to license TMK (with state oversight; to be registered using the WIPO “toolkit”), (d) release of TMK only with informed consent of the indigenous owners, based on full disclosure of risks and benefits, (e) equitable sharing of benefits derived from the use of TMK (including >10% for the Fund for Development of Indigenous People), and (f) a desire to prevent patenting of indigenous peoples’ TMK by others.[138] These elements and priorities should be addressed in any collaborative research agreement between research scientists in Peru and foreign collaborators seeking to co-develop drugs derived from TMK. Significantly, all of these elements fall under the broader umbrella of the U.S.-Peru TPA (e.g. informed consent; equitable sharing of benefits). So, there is a strong foundation for including them in collaborative agreements between U.S. and Peruvian researchers.[139]

               b.  Defensive Strategy to Protect TMK – Creation of Public Databases of TMK as Prior Art

[54]     One of the key elements in the Bolivian Constitutional protections and the Peruvian sui generis protections is the creation of public databases of TMK. The stated purpose of these databases is, in part, to create prior art that prevents others from patenting – without permission – the TMK that belongs to indigenous peoples.[140] The need for and value of such databases is illustrated within the ayahuasca patent dispute described in section II. While post AIA changes in U.S. patent law lessened the need for such databases, they still provide a clear demonstration of what TMK was “in use or otherwise available.” This serves the stated goal of providing a strong defense against uninvited and undesired foreign patents, like the Miller “Da Vine” patent. Such patents could exploit the TMK of indigenous peoples, without equitable sharing of the benefits derived from that TMK and without informed consent.

[55]    It is important to point out that this defensive use of databases as prior art can have undesired consequences if the indigenous peoples ever want to patent their own TMK. A key element of the indigenous peoples’ TMK protections (sections III(A)(b) and IV(A)(a)) was a desire to benefit “indigenous peoples and mankind in general” and to permit – with informed consent – licensing of TMK-based discoveries in a co-development initiative.[141] But, pharmaceutical companies will not develop a drug if they cannot obtain composition of matter patent protection. Therefore, the inability to patent TMK-derived medicines – or active substances derived from them – prevents any co-development of drugs.

[56]     The most likely patentable subject matter in a drug co-development collaboration, since the plant cannot be patented (i.e. as TMK, it has already been “in use”), are the extracted chemical substances – or combinations thereof. For example, the ayahuasca plant could not have been patented under AIA, even if there were no “printed documents” describing it, since it was already “in use” by shamans. But, the active ingredients shown in Fig. 2, mixing in the ratios needed to obtain clinical effect, might have been patentable as composition of matter (ignoring for now any potential § 101 issues because they are “products of nature”).[142] In this regard, the registry suggested in the Bolivian Constitution seems to anticipate the patenting of active substances (like those in Fig. 2) since it suggests adding “active substances” to the registry.[143] This would enlarge the prior art shield beyond plants, to include the active components contained in the plants.

[57]     While the inclusion of active chemical substances in national registries might prevent undesirable patenting by foreign bioprospectors, it would also prevent desired patenting by Amazonian researchers seeking to develop or co-develop drugs derived from TMK. This is unfortunate, since there may be situations where an Amazonian research scientist may want to co-develop a drug derived from TMK, but now will not be able to do so. The irony of pharmaceutical development is that no matter how noble one’s intentions are (e.g. to “benefit mankind”), a strong patent position is needed so that a company financing the drug development can at least recoup its significant investment, often estimated to be in excess of $1 billion.[144] How can the stated goal of using TMK to benefit mankind be achieved, if there is no way to finance the clinical trials that are required as part of drug co-development? This should be considered when Andean countries decide to pursue registries as a source of prior art; and, it is a reason to consider keeping chemical structures of active substances in private rather than public registries.

               c.  Trade Secrets – Private Databases of Licensable TMK

[58]     The above dilemma is largely solved by using private rather than public databases of TMK, so that the ability to patent is not lost. For this reason, and in light of the recent passage of AIA, the private database should be considered the preferred strategy for protecting the IPR of indigenous peoples. It is preferred because it leaves open the option to license their TMK-based IP if and when it is desired, as part of a license agreement. Such an agreement would of course only be executed with informed consent and the promise of equitable sharing of benefits. Although, given that TMK is typically already “in use,” it is questionable whether – under AIA – it will ever be possible to patent TMK-based treatments again. But, combinations of active chemical substances, like those in Fig. 2, may still be patentable; so, that type of information should be kept private, if indigenous peoples may ever want to patent and/or license this valuable TMK-derived knowledge.[145] It is these active chemical substances, and strategic combinations thereof, that may be the only patentable subject matter based on TMK. It is this IP that is most likely to be the topic of drug co-development projects. And, it is in enabling these drug co-development projects, eventually involving a pharmaceutical company that demands composition of matter patent protection, that the lofty goal of benefiting mankind with TMK can be best achieved.

               d.  Strategies to Obtain Composition of Matter Patent Protection for TMK-derived Drugs

[59]     Given the stated desire to benefit the world with TMK, and to – in some cases – license TMK, there may be times when indigenous peoples, in collaboration with academic researchers in Peru and abroad, would want to patent TMK-related inventions, including active substances.[146] Is it possible that the active chemical substances extracted from these plants – the “drugs” – may be patented as composition of matter (e.g. see Fig. 2)? Naturally occurring chemicals (aka “natural products”) are not patentable subject matter under 35 U.S.C § 101 if those chemicals are considered “products of nature.”[147] Thus, the answer to this question is, or was, thought to be no. In general natural products are not thought to be patentable, unless there is some unique manmade combination of natural products that is useful in an unanticipated way; and, that combination may be patentable as composition of matter.[148]

[60]     But, the definition of a “product of nature” may be changing in a way that could open the door to patenting natural products. While an early case decided by Justice Learned Hand allowed patenting of adrenalin[149], a purified natural product with clinical value, there has not been subsequent case law to support patenting of natural products simply because they have been purified.[150] This may change, as the U.S. Supreme Court recently clarified what molecules fall under the “product of nature” exclusion, in Ass’n for Molecular Biology v. Myriad.[151] In this case, Myriad identified mutated genes (BRCA1 and BRCA2) associated with breast cancer, and sought to patent this for use as a breast cancer diagnostic.[152] The issue is whether purified naturally occurring deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) segments are patentable subject matter, or whether they are excluded as a product of nature under 35 U.S.C. § 101. Justice Thomas, speaking for the majority, held that purified DNA was naturally occurring, and therefore could not become “patent eligible under § 101 simply because they have been isolated.”[153] In contrast, complementary DNA (cDNA) that was synthesized in the laboratory based on that same DNA sequence was not considered naturally occurring, so was not excluded as patentable subject matter; and, therefore, was not considered a product of nature.[154] This is because cDNA is prepared synthetically in the laboratory, and because it differs from naturally occurring genomic DNA (gDNA) in that it has noncoding DNA segments (called “introns”) removed, making it distinct from gDNA.[155]

 

[61]     Myriad teaches that naturally occurring molecules like gDNA (and by analogy, the ayahuasca active substances in Fig. 2) cannot be patented, because they are simply purified products of nature. But, if the chemical substance that is a product of nature is synthesized in a laboratory, and modified in a routine manner that makes it distinct from its naturally occurring form, then the molecule is no longer excluded as patentable subject matter.[156] By analogy, one would only need to synthesize and make routine modifications to the molecules shown in Fig. 2, to be able avoid the product of nature exclusion. This is a significant change in IP law surrounding natural products, and may increase the interest of pharmaceutical companies in the pursuit of such molecules as drugs.

[62]     It remains to be seen whether the post-Myriad broadened definition of “product of nature” will extend to natural products, like the active chemical substances from ayahuasca (Fig. 2); and, if it does, what will be the nature of the routine modifications (if any) that are needed. It is possible that copies of plant-derived molecules, which are synthesized in the laboratory by chemists, will be considered patentable as composition of matter under 35 U.S.C. § 101, just as the manmade cDNA copy of gDNA was found to be patentable in Myriad. It might be argued that the cDNA molecule is more than simply a manmade copy of the naturally occurring gDNA molecule, because it has been modified by removal of introns.[157] But, intron removal is a trivial and routine change that is inspired by what nature does anyhow (introns are removed in making mRNA).[158] It cannot be considered a novel or inventive modification to the naturally occurring gDNA molecule; although, admittedly, novelty and inventiveness do not have direct bearing on this § 101 question. Myriad seems to indicate that one can patent a synthetic copy of a naturally occurring molecule, if a routine modification is made.[159] The key point is that the molecule does not occur in nature.[160] Applying this new test to other natural products, like the active substances in Fig. 2, there are a number of foreseeable routine chemical changes that would make the molecule chemically distinct. A non-exclusive list of possibilities is provided here:

 

  1. Synthesize chemical variants that have isotopic substitutions, such as replacing hydrogen atoms with deuterium atoms. This is a commonly used chemical substitution in drug design.[161]
  2. Convert the basic amine to HCl or other salts. This is also a routine change to the naturally occurring molecules, and often has utility for increasing drug bioavailability.[162]
  3. Make a simple chemical modification, such as acetylation of amines or alcohols (g. with acetic anhydride).[163] This type of modification is what led to drugs like aspirin (acetylated salicylic acid, from willow tree bark) and heroin (acetylated morphine, from opium).[164]

[63]     All of the above chemical modifications are routinely used in drug development, so do not represent novel techniques or changes. But, they are analogous to and at least as novel as the changes made and techniques used in going from gDNA or mRNA to cDNA.[165] The latter techniques are performed so routinely that scientists can purchase kits to perform the production of cDNA from mRNA.[166] Thus, it seems that Myriad has opened the door to patenting natural products, after small and even routine chemical structure changes are made.

[64]     If natural products (after routine chemical alteration) can be patented as composition of matter, this would increase the pharmaceutical industry’s interest in pursuing natural products as drugs. This would open the door to more patenting of drugs derived from TMK in co-development initiatives. This could lead to significant revenue generation (to be shared equitably with indigenous peoples) and to medical benefits for the rest of the world.

[65]     Even if individual plant-derived molecules (after modification) cannot be patented as easily as just described, combinations like those shown in Fig. 2 could be patentable.[167] Indeed, combinations of active substances are central to how many traditional medicines, like ayahuasca, work (see section II). This is a distinguishing feature of traditional medicines relative to western medicine.[168] Only the shaman, based on TMK, knows which combinations of plants will produce the desired therapeutic effect. Then, the chemist can build on this TMK to identify which combinations of purified active chemical substances extracted from those plants are needed to reproduce these clinical effects. This combination, discoverable only through a collaborative co-development effort between indigenous peoples and scientific researchers, could then be patented.[169]

[66]     In summary, indigenous peoples should consider the value of composition of matter patent protection, if they hope to reap the full benefit of their TMK for themselves and the world. Recent developments in U.S. patent law suggest new strategies to obtain composition of matter protection to increase the value of indigenous peoples’ TMK to a potential drug co-development partner from the pharmaceutical industry.

 

          e.  Proposed Structure for a Drug Co-Development Research Agreement

[67]     In the interest of transparency and ensuring that the interests of all parties are considered, it is advisable that drug co-development projects between Peruvian and U.S. researchers execute a research agreement when working with indigenous peoples. Such an agreement should build upon the above legal protections for TMK (section IV(A)(a)), and be consistent with regional and international laws. A sample agreement is provided below:[170]

 

(Sample) TMK-Based Drug Co-Development Research Agreement

[68]     This research and drug co-development agreement (“Agreement”) is made by and among the following collaborating parties (“Parties”): Indigenous Peoples Representative (“Party 1”), Peruvian Research Team Representative (“Party 2”), and U.S. Research Team Representative (“Party 3”).

DEFINITIONS

[69]     “TMK” means traditional medical knowledge: “knowledge, know-how, skills and practices that are developed, sustained and passed on from generation to generation within a community, often forming part of its cultural or spiritual identity.”[171]

[70]     INDECOPI” means National Institute for the Protection of Competition and Intellectual Property: an organization that manages the Local, National and Public Registers of Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples.[172]

[71]     “TPA” means The U.S.-Peru Trade Promotion Agreement, the agreement between the U.S. and Peru that governs trade, but also includes the “Understanding Regarding Biodiversity and Traditional Knowledge.”[173]

[72]     “Indigenous Peoples” means “aboriginal peoples holding rights that existed prior to the formation of the Peruvian State, maintaining a culture of their own, occupying a specific territorial area and recognizing themselves as such. These include peoples in voluntary isolation or with which contact has not been made, and also rural and native communities.”[174]

[73]     “Informed Consent” means authorization given under this protection regime, by the representative organization of the indigenous peoples possessing collective knowledge and in accordance with provisions recognized by them, for the conduct of a particular activity that entails access to and use of the said collective knowledge, subject to the provision of sufficient information on the purposes, risks or implications of the said activity, including any uses that might be made of the knowledge, and where applicable on its value.[175]

[74]     “CDA” means confidential disclosure agreement.

PROVISIONS

[75]     WHEREAS, the Parties share a common interest in developing drugs derived from TMK;

[76]     WHEREAS, the Parties share a desire to see TMK and associated intellectual property rights (IPRs) protected, yet also benefiting the world;

[77]     WHEREAS, the Parties agree to equitably share financial and other benefits that could result from this collaboration;

[78]     WHEREAS, the Parties agree to show mutual respect for each other’s governing laws, customs and values;

[79]     WHEREAS, the Parties agree that TMK is owned by Indigenous Peoples, and any development and patenting of drugs derived from TMK will only occur with permission that is be granted by Party 1, after being fully informed of all relevant risks and benefits via Informed Consent;

[80]     WHEREAS, Parties 1 and 2 agree to collaboratively pursue studies directed to identifying the active chemical component(s) derived from TMK-based plants, which are responsible for desirable medical effects;

[81]     WHEREAS, the Parties agree to negotiate in good faith any license agreements for TMK and TMK-derived patents, including composition of matter patents on active chemical substances;

[82]     NOW, IT IS THEREFORE RESOLVED, in consideration of the forgoing, that the parties hereby agree to the following:

[83]     1. Purpose and Scope

The Parties recognize that Amazonian TMK is a rich source of useful medical treatments that have been collectively developed over many years, and is owned by the Indigenous Peoples which Party 1 represents. Parties are mutually committed to the promotion of respect, preservation and wider application of TMK, as well as the use of TMK to benefit Indigenous Peoples, and mankind in general. Such benefits include the development and dissemination of new and better medical treatments. Benefits may also be financial, based on revenue generated from sales drugs and/or licensing of IP based on development of TMK-based medicines. Such development is only to be pursued according to the other sections of this agreement, which emphasis equitable sharing of benefits, and Informed Consent (Appendix A) from Party 1, before developing TMK-derived drugs.

The research and drug co-development team shall engage in activities that include biological demonstration of safety and efficacy of TMK-derived treatments, including plant extracts that are prepared by Party 1. Activities performed by Parties 2 and 3 may also include purification and chemical characterization of the active chemical components present in TMK-derived treatments. This may be followed by chemical synthesis of these active chemical components, and demonstration of their biological safety and efficacy, alone and in combinations. Parties 2 and 3 agree to keep Party1 informed of significant developments in these studies, and to seek the Informed Consent (Appendix A) of Party 1 before filing patent applications on composition of matter identified in these studies. Likewise, Parties 2 and 3 agree to enter these chemical structures into Peru’s National Registries for TK. If a decision is made to patent the composition of matter, submission will only be made to the private registry (until the patent publishes). If Party 1 decides to keep the chemical structure information as a trade secret, Parties 2 and 3 agree to honor this request, subject to §2 of this agreement.

 

[84]     2. Decision-making

Party 1 agrees to develop governance procedures that ensure they are representing the broader interests of the Indigenous Peoples that own the TMK which is the topic of this research and drug co-development collaboration. Party 1 has the sole power to decide if chemical structures of active substances, derived from plant extracts, are to be: (a) kept as trade secrets, (b) the subject of a patent application, or (c) entered in the National Public Registry of Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples. Party 1 agrees to not unreasonably withhold permission to patent; and, if both Parties 2 and 3 wish to file a patent application, but Party 1 refuses, Parties 2 and 3 may appeal the decision to an appellate body that has previously been chosen by the Indigenous People who Party 1 represents. Other project decisions, which do not directly relate to IPRs, will be made by majority vote of the three representatives.

 

[85]     3. Confidential Information

Parties agree to sign a CDA (Appendix B) to protect all confidential information that is shared or developed in this collaboration. Such information may include TMK-related trade secrets of Party 1, including those that are kept in the National Private Register of Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples. Parties agree to not publicly disclose chemical structures that are identified during this collaborative co-development initiative, without unanimous agreement by all three representatives. Likewise, Parties 2 and 3 agree to not publicly disclose trade secrets that have been revealed to them by Party 1, unless Party 1 grants permission to do so.

[86]     4. Intellectual Property (IP)

Parties 2 and 3 agree that all TMK-related trade secrets that pre-date this agreement, including those that were previously entered into the National Private Registry of Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples, are property of Party 1. Such trade secrets will be revealed and/or licensed at the discretion of Part 1. Parties 2 and 3 will not patent any TMK-derived invention without first obtaining permission from Party 1, and this permission is to be granted only after Party 1 has signed the Informed Consent document in Appendix A that outlines all significant risks and benefits.

The IP that is most likely to result from this collaborative co-development initiative includes chemical structures of active substances that are purified from plant extracts of TMK-based therapies. These chemical structures will be protected via composition of matter patents or trade secrets or, at the discretion of Party 1, publicly released via the Public National Register of Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples, in order to create prior art that prevents patenting by other parties (subject to § 3 of this agreement). Parties will work with INDECOPI to enter TMK-derived information into the National Registers of Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples, including chemical structures.

 

[87]     5. Licensing of TMK and TMK-derived Intellectual Property

Since Parties share an interest in benefiting the world based on TMK-derived therapies, and associated discoveries, and since drug development is extremely expensive, it may become necessary to license IP to an external partner. Such an external partner would typically be a pharmaceutical or biotechnology company that has the resources and experience needed to develop drugs that result from this collaboration. Such arrangements typically require that the composition of matter patent protecting the drug lead molecule be licensed to them; and, it is expected that the pharmaceutical partner and Parties would negotiate a revenue sharing arrangement that could include upfront financial payments, payments upon achievement of certain milestone events (e.g. completion of different phases of clinical trials), and royalties on net or gross profits from drug sales, once the drug is approved by appropriate regulatory agencies, such as the Food and Drug Administration in the U.S.

Parties agree to negotiate in good faith an agreement that equitably shares benefits between all three groups, and will be defined in detail in the license agreement (Appendix C). Such an agreement might include an equal sharing of revenues between all three groups, although other arrangements could be negotiated. In negotiating terms, Parties agree to consider and honor existing legal structures, such as those associated with the TPA, the Andean Community, and the sui generis protections in Peru (esp. Law No. 27811).[176] Accordingly, Parties agree that the license agreement will be prepared, executed and properly recorded using the WIPO “toolkit”[177]. Any license agreement will ensure equitable sharing of benefits derived from the use of TMK, including >10% of revenues provided to the Fund for Development of Indigenous People, before distribution to the three groups that comprise the Parties.[178] Such an agreement will only be executed after Party 1 has been made aware, via Informed Consent (Appendix A), of all the risks and benefits associated with pursuit of the license agreement (Appendix C). Any license agreement that is executed, even those which are categorized as “exclusive,” will provide an exception for the Indigenous People that Party 1 represents, to ensure that they will be able to continue to use their TMK as they had before the license agreement was executed.

 

[88]     Appendices: (A) Informed consent form, (B) Confidential disclosure agreement (CDA), (C) Draft license agreement.

V.  Conclusion

[89]     The TMK underlying medical treatments used by indigenous peoples has great value to their communities and may also have great untapped value for the rest of the world. The goal of the collaborative drug development projects described herein, involving researchers in the U.S. and Peru, is to extend the benefits of TMK to the rest of the world, while respecting the IPR of the indigenous peoples from whom TMK-based discoveries may be derived. Of particular importance is ensuring equitable sharing of any future benefits of drug co-development successes with the indigenous peoples, and making sure all decisions are made based on informed consent that fully discloses all material risks and benefits.

[90]     A model example of a TMK-based medicine is ayahuasca (Fig. 1).[179] For ayahuasca to work effectively, the shaman mixes two or more plants and prepares a tea – a type of plant extraction. Subsequent scientific research has established why it is necessary to mix these plants, based on chemical substances that have been extracted and identified from each (Fig. 2).[180] While the researchers who identified these active chemical substances did not pursue a composition of matter patent on them, such a strategy could have been taken. If it had, it should only have been pursued with the informed consent of the indigenous peoples who owned this TMK-based IP; and, there should be equitable sharing of future benefits. The example of the Miller patent on the ayahuasca plant (Fig. 3) illustrates an unsavory effort to bypass this process, which led to public outcry and the subsequent creation of laws and procedures to ensure protection of Peru’s IPRs.[181]

 

[91]     Future drug co-development initiatives should build on these lessons from ayahuasca, to ensure protection of IPR via compliance with national, regional and international laws and treaties, including those embodied in Peru’s sui generis protections (Law No. 27811), the Andean Community, and the U.S.-Peru TPA. With these constraints and guidelines, research collaborations between U.S. researchers, Peruvian researchers, and indigenous communities can proceed to co-develop TMK-derived drugs. To guide this process, a draft drug co-development agreement has been provided in this paper (section IV). Central to this agreement is a focus on identifying active chemical components from plant extracts and patenting them as composition of matter. This focus is a pragmatic requirement, since pharmaceutical companies who may license these patents for further co-development will only make a significant financial investment if they have the strong protection that composition of matter (not method of use) patents provide. This co-development process has the potential to extend the benefits of TMK to the rest of the world, which is a shared goal of all parties involved.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

* The author is Dean and Professor of Business, and Professor of Pharmaceutical Sciences, at Concordia University Wisconsin. He would like to thank Dean Arneson, Pharm.D, Ph.D. (Professor and Dean of the CUW School of Pharmacy) for providing the pictures from his trips to Peru, and Professor Kali Murray at Marquette University for many helpful comments and guidance. This research was supported, in part, by National Institutes of Health (NIH) grants AI101975, GM118304 and HL112639.

 

[1] See, Manuel Ruiz, Isabel Lapeña, and Susanna E. Clark, The Protection of Traditional Knowledge in Peru: A Comparative Perspective, 3 Wash. U. Glob. Stud. L. Rev. 755, 760 (2004).

 

[2]See Ley N° 27811 [Law No. 27811], art. 5, Aug. 10, 2002, El Peruano, http://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/es/pe/pe011es.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/28J9-VW3L (trans. at http://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/en/pe/pe011en.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/99RJ-GWCM (Peru) (Law Introducing a Protection Regime for the Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples derived from Biological Resources).

 

[3]See generally, Howard Mann, Intellectual Property Rights, Biodiversity and Indigenous Knowledge: A Critical Analysis in the Canadian Context, Report Submitted to the Canadian Working Group on Articles 8(j) of the Convention on Biological Diversity (Ottawa, 1997) (Analyzing intellectual property rights of Aboriginal people in Canada with regard to today’s laws, and addressing the correlating barriers and opportunities for the use of intellectual property rights in relation to indigenous knowledge and resources).

 

[4] See, e.g., Heather A. Sapp, Monopolizing Medicinal Methods: The Debate Over Patent Rights for Indigenous Peoples, 25 Temp. J. Sci. Tech. & Envtl. L. 191, 196 (2006) (“…[W]estern patent systems appropriately exclude [Traditional Knowledge] from patent protection.”).

 

[5] See Gene Quinn, The Impact of the America Invents Act on the Definition of Prior Art, IP Watchdog (Oct. 3, 2012), http://www.ipwatchdog.com/2012/10/03/the-impact-of-the-america-invents-act-on-the-definition-of-prior-art/id=28453/, archived at https://perma.cc/6RGD-KTJ7.

[6] See Ish Khanna, Drug Discovery in the Pharmaceutical Industry: Productivity Challenges and Trends, 17 Drug Discovery Today 1055, 1088 (2012), http://ac.els-cdn.com/S1359644612001833/1-s2.0-S1359644612001833-main.pdf?_tid=4b6731ea-7ede-11e6-ab65-00000aab0f01&acdnat=1474340569_16e7ca651037b847bcc9a375343d47de, archived at https://perma.cc/Y7QN-4ZQG.

 

[7] Id. at 1095-96.

 

[8] See e.g., Carolyn Gregoire, Scientists Put Shamanic Medicine Under the Microscope, Huffington Post (Oct. 16, 2015), http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/shaman-medicine-autoimmune-disease_us_55f8737be4b0d6492d633c23, archived at https://perma.cc/K3XP-W3S8.

 

[9] See id.

 

[10] World Intellectual Prop. Org. (WIPO), Traditional Knowledge, http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/tk/, archived at https://perma.cc/96MH-S43M (last visited Sept. 21, 2016).

 

[11] Joe McCarter & Michael C. Gavin, Perceptions of the Value of Traditional Ecological Knowledge to Formal School Curricula: Opportunities and Challenges From Malekula Island, Vanuatu, 7 J. Ethnobiology & Ethnomedicine, no. 38, 2011, https://ethnobiomed.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/1746-4269-7-38, archived at https://perma.cc/S8UF-FUQG.

[12] See Martha Johnson, Research on Traditional Environmental Knowledge: Its Development and Its Role, in Lore: Capturing Traditional Environmental Knowledge 3, 4 (Martha Johnson ed., 1992).

[13] See Fulvio Mazzocchi, Western Science and Traditional Knowledge: Despite Their Variations, Different Forms of Knowledge Can Learn From Each Other, 7 European Molecular Biology Organization Reports 463, 463–466 (2006).

[14] See Graham Dutfield, TRIPS-Related Aspects of Traditional Knowledge, 33 Case W. Res. J. Int’l L. 233, 242 (2001).

 

[15] See Ryan Abbott, Documenting Traditional Medical Knowledge, WIPO, 3 (Mar. 2014) http://www.wipo.int/export/sites/www/tk/en/resources/pdf/medical_tk.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/2F3G-55CT citing Fact Sheet No. 134: Traditional Medicine World Health Org. (WHO) http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/2003/fs134/en/, archived at https://perma.cc/7Q4N-E7Z2.

[16] See World Health Org. (WHO), General Guidelines for Methodologies on Research and Evaluation of Traditional Medicine (2000), http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/66783/1/WHO_EDM_TRM_2000.1.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/4HZY-45KQ.

 

[17] See Norman R. Farnsworth, Screening Plants for New Medicines, in Biodiversity 83, 95 (E. O. Wilson ed., 1988).

 

[18] See Peter Principe, Economics and Medicinal Plants, in Medicinal Plants: Their Role in Health and Biodiversity 42, 44 (Timothy R. Tomlinson & Olayiwola Akerele eds., 1998).

 

[19] See Rainer W. Bussmann & Douglas Sharon, Traditional Medicinal Plant Use in Northern Peru: Tracking Two Thousand Years of Healing Culture, 2 J. Ethnobiology & Ethnomedicine, no. 47, 2006, http://ethnobiomed.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/1746-4269-2-47, archived at https://perma.cc/H3E6-GKU8.

 

[20] See id.

[21] See infra Figure 1.

 

[22] See Richard E. Schultes, The Botanical and Chemical Distribution of Hallucinogens, 9 J. Psychedelic Drugs 247, 251 (1977).

 

[23] See Kenneth W. Tupper, The Globalization of Ayahuasca: Harm Reduction or Benefit Maximization?, 19 Int’l J. Drug Pol’y 297, 297–303 (2006).

 

[24] See Marlene Dobkin De Ríos, Banisteriopsis in Witchcraft and Healing Activities in Iquitos, Peru, 24 Econ. Botany 296, 296 (1970).

 

[25] See id.

 

[26] E-mail attachment from Dr. Dean Arneson, Pharm.D, Ph.D., Dean of School of Pharmacy, Concordia University Wisconsin, to author (2013) (on file with author).

 

[27] See supra Figure 1.

 

[28] See De Ríos, supra note 24, at 296.

 

[29] See id. (stating that the boiled ayahusca infusion is sometimes mixed with additives like chacruna, a Quechua word describing the plant otherwise known as Psychotria viridis).

 

[30] See infra Figure 2.

 

[31] See J.C. Callaway et al., Pharmacokinetics of Hoasca Alkaloids in Healthy Humans, 65 J. Ethnopharmacology 243, 244 (1999).

[32] See id.; see also Dennis J. McKenna, J.C. Callaway & Charles S. Grob, The Scientific Investigation of Ayahuasca: A Review of Past and Current Research, 1 Heffter Rev. Of Psychedelic Research 65, 67 (1998); see infra Figure 2.

 

[33] See Callaway et al., supra note 31, at 245.

 

[34] See, e.g., Andrea Rinaldi & Pryia Shetty, Traditional Medicine for Modern Times: Facts and Figures, SciDev.Net (June 6, 2015), http://www.scidev.net/global/medicine/feature/traditional-medicine-modern-times-facts-figures.html, archived at https://perma.cc/9A3E-BUSS.

 

[35] See generally Bussman & Sharon, supra note 19 (discussing Chiappe and Millones as the first scientists to study the Shaman’s use of ayahuasca).

 

[36] See Richard Seth Gipstein, Note, The Isolation and Purification Exception to the General Unpatentability of Products of Nature, 4 Colum. Sci. & Tech. L. Rev. 2 (2003).

 

[37] See Leanne M. Fecteau, Note, The Ayahuasca Patent Revocation Questions About Current U.S. Patent System, 21 B.C. Third World L.J. 69, 70 (2001).

 

[38] See U.S. Patent No. Plant 5,751 (filed Nov. 7, 1984); see infra Figure 3.

 

[39] Id.

 

[40] See David R. Downes & Glenn M. Wiser, Center for Int’l Envtl. Law, Comments on Improving Identification of Prior Art: Recommendations on Traditional Knowledge Relating to Biological Diversity Submitted to the United States Patent and Trademark Office, Aug. 2, 1999, at 15, www.ciel.org/Publications/IdentificationofPriorArt.pdf‎, archived at https://perma.cc/R26N-LSRW [hereinafter Comments on Improving Identifications of Prior Art]; see also David R. Downes & Glenn M. Wiser, The Legal Elements of the “Ayahuasca” Patent Case, Center For International Environmental Law (Mar. 30, 1999), http://ciel.org/Publications/ayahuascalegalelements.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/F7JE-BFPX [hereinafter Legal Elements].

 

[41] See Downes & Wiser, Legal Elements, supra note 40.

 

[42] U.S. Patent No. Plant 5,751 (filed Nov. 7, 1984).

 

[43] David R. Downes, et al., Request for Reexamination of U.S. Patent No. Plant 5,751 (Mar. 30, 1999), at 1, http://www.ciel.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/ReexaminationofUSPlantPatent5751.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/L6JE-N6YV;

Downes & Wiser, Comments on Improving Identifications of Prior Art, supra note 40, at 15.
[44] See generally Downes & Wiser, Comments on Improving Identifications of Prior Art, supra note 40, at 13–16 (discussing arguments against the validity of Miller’s patent).

 

[45] See id. at 4.

 

 

[47] See Downes, et al., supra note 43, at 1–2.

 

[48] Downes & Wiser, Comments on Improving Identifications of Prior Art, supra note 40, at 13 n. 39.

 

[49] See id. at 13; see also, supra note 35.

 

[50] See Downes & Wiser, Comments on Improving Identifications of Prior Art, supra note 40, at 14–15.

 

[51] See id. at 15.

 

[52] See E-mail from author, to Dr. Dean Arneson, Pharm.D, Ph.D., Dean of School of Pharmacy, Concordia University Wisconsin (2013) (on file with author).

 

[53] See Downes & Wiser, Comments on Improving Identifications of Prior Art, supra note 40, at 15.

 

[54] In re Hall, 781 F.2d 897, 900 (Fed. Cir. 1986) (“…we reject appellant’s legal argument that a single cataloged thesis in one university library does not constitute sufficient accessibility to those interested in the art exercising reasonable diligence.”).

 

[55] See supra Figure 4.

 

[56] See generally Downes & Wiser, Comments on Improving Identifications of Prior Art, supra note 40, at 3, 5–6, 16 (discussing the social implications on the traditional knowledge of indigenous communities).
[57] See id.; see also Glenn Wiser, Center for Int’l Envtl. Law, U.S. Patent and Trademark Office Reinstates Ayahuasca Patent: Flawed Decision Declares Open Season on Resources of Indigenous Peoples, (June 25, 2001) at 1, http://www.ciel.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/PTODecisionAnalysis.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/PY75-MJZG.

 

[58] See infra Section III (E).

 

[59] Use of Turmeric in Wound Healing, U.S. Patent No. 5,401,504 (filed Dec. 28, 1993).

 

[60] Sanjay Kumar, India Wins Battle with USA Over Turmeric Patent, 350 The Lancet 675, 724 (1997); Use of Turmeric in Wound Healing, U.S. Patent and Trade Office Reexamination Certificate B1 5,401,504 (Apr. 21, 1998).

 

[61] Detailed Statement in Support of Request for Reexamination of U.S. Plant Patent No. 5,751 from David R. Downs & Glenn Wiser to the Commissioner of Patents and Trademarks (filed Nov. 7, 1984), http://www.ciel.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/ReexaminationofUSPlantPatent5751.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/5XJ9-YQMN [hereinafter Detailed Statement].

 

[62] Id. at 4.

[63] See generally Press Release 98-6, USPTO, Facts on Patenting Life Forms Having a Relationship to Humans, (April 1, 1998) (on file with author), http://www.uspto.gov/about-us/news-updates/facts-patenting-life-forms-having-relationship-humans, archived at https://perma.cc/7MDZ-SSLJ.

 

[64] Tol-O-Matic, Inc. v. Proma Produkt-Und Marketing Gesellschaft m.b.H., 945 F.2d 1546, 1553 (Fed. Cir. 1991) (citing Lowell v. Lewis , Fed. Case No. 8568 (C.C. Mass. 1817)).

 

[65] Downes & Wiser, Detailed Statement, supra note 61, at 24.

 

[66] See infra Section III (E).

 

[67] See Glen M. Wiser, U.S. Patent and Trademark Office Reinstates Ayahuasca Patent, Flawed Decision Declares Open Season on Resources of Indigenous Peoples CIEL 2 (June 25, 2001).

 

[68] See Ex parte Nehls, No. 2007-1823 (B.P.A.I. Jan. 28, 2008).

 

[69] Downes & Wiser, Detailed Statement, supra note 61, at 1.

 

[70] See generally Glen M. Wiser & David R. Downes, Center for Intn’l Envtl. Law, Comments on Improving Identification of Prior Art: Recommendations on Traditional Knowledge Relating to Biological Diversity Submitted to the United States Patent and Trademark Office, (Aug. 2, 1999), http://www.ciel.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/IdentificationofPriorArt.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/7P9U-QTSN.

 

[71] See Press Release 98-6, USPTO, supra note 63.

 

[72] Constitución Política Del Perú [C.P.] art. 68.

 

[73] See GRAIN, The Struggle Against IPR in the Andes, Seedling, July 12, 2009, at 21.

 

[74] Id. at 20.

 

[75] See Ley N° 27811 [Law N° 27811], Ley que Establece el Régimen de Protección de los Conocimientos Colectivos de los Pueblos Indígenas Vinculados a los Recursos Biológicos [Law Introducing a Protection Regime for the Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples Derived from Biological Resources], Aug. 10, 2002, El Peruano, at 227953–54 (Peru).

 

[76] Id. at art. 5.

 

[77] See id at art. 5(d),(e).

 

[78] Id. at art. 7.

 

[79] See Ley N° 27811 [Law N° 27811], supra note 75 at art. 8.

 

[80] See id. at art. 10

 

[81] Id.

 

[82] Id. at art. 15.

 

[83] See id. at art. 20.

 

[84] See Ley N° 27811 [Law No. 27811], supra note 75 at art. 24.

 

[85] See id. at art. 18.

 

[86] See id. at art. 23.

 

[87] Id.

 

[88] See discussion supra Section II.

 

[89] See infra Section III(E).

 

[90] See Ley N° 27811 [Law No. 27811], supra note 75 at art. 26.

[91] Id. at art. 27.

 

[92] See World Intellectual Prop. Org. (WIPO), Traditional Knowledge Documentation Toolkit (2012), http://www.wipo.int/export/sites/www/tk/en/resources/pdf/tk_toolkit_draft.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/85DN-5V4S (last visited Nov. 11, 2013).

 

[93] See id. at 22.

 

[94] See infra Section III(D).

 

[95] See Free Trade Agreements, Off. of the U.S. Trade Representative, http://www.ustr.gov/trade-agreements/free-trade-agreements, archived at https://perma.cc/BQ9K-8X67 (last visited Sept. 9, 2016).

 

[96] See Final Text United States – Peru Trade Promotion Agreement, Off. of the U.S. Trade Representative, (Apr. 12, 2006), http://www.ustr.gov/trade-agreements/free-trade-agreements/peru-tpa/final-text, archived at https://perma.cc/GH7G-VSNX.

 

[97] See Communidad Andina, http://www.comunidadandina.org/Seccion.aspx?id=189&tipo=QU&title=somos-comunidad-andina, archived at https://perma.cc/B2U5-PASZ (last visited Sept. 9, 2016) (describing the countries benefitting).

 

[98] See GRAIN, The Struggle Against IPR in the Andes, supra note 73 at 18.

 

[99] Id.

 

[100] Id. (emphasis added).

 

[101] Id.

 

[102] See supra Sections III(A)(a)-(b); see Grain, The Struggle Against IPR in the Andes, supra note 73, at 17.

 

[103] U.S.-Peru Trade Promotion Agreement: Potential Economy-wide and Selected Sectoral Effects. Inv. No. TA-2104-20, USITC Pub. 3855 at 6-12 (June 1, 2006).

[104] Understanding Regarding Biodiversity and Traditional Knowledge, U.S.-Peru, (April 12, 2006), http://www.ustr.gov/sites/default/files/uploads/agreements/fta/peru/asset_upload_file719_9535.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/66P2-X795.

 

[105] Id.

 

[106] See id.

 

[107] See GRAIN, The Struggle Against IPR in the Andes, supra note 73 at 17,19.

 

[108] Laurence R. Helfer & Karen J. Alter, The Influence of the Andean Intellectual Property Regime on Access to Medicines in Latin America, in Balancing Wealth and Health: Global Administrative Law and the Battle Over Intellectual Property and Access to Medicines in Latin America 1 (Rochelle Dreyfuss & César Rodríguez-Garavito, eds., 2013).

 

[109] See id. at 2.

 

[110] See id. at 1.

 

[111] See id. at 4.

 

[112] Id.

 

[113] See GRAIN, The Struggle Against IPR in the Andes, supra note 73 at 17,18.

 

[114] See Convention on Biological Diversity, June 5, 1992, 1760 U.N.T.S. 79, 31 I.L.M. 818 (1992), http://www.cbd.int/doc/legal/cbd-en.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/4BVB-MTFW.

 

[115] Id. at 6.

[116] See id. at 24.

 

[117] See generally, Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, Annex 1C, Apr. 15, 1994, Legal Instruments-Results Of The Uruguay Round, 1869 U.N.T.S. 299, 33 I.L.M. 81 (1994) (supporting need for multilateral framework between member countries).

 

[118] See Overview: The TRIPS Agreement, World Trade Org., https://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/trips_e/intel2_e.htm, archived at https://perma.cc/9ZST-3HXV (last visited Sept. 9, 2016).

 

[119] See J.H. Reichman, The TRIPS Agreement Comes of Age: Conflict or Cooperation with the Developing Countries?, 32 Case W. Res. J. Int’l. L. 441, 452 (2000).

 

[120] See id.

 

[121] See World Intellectual Prop. Org. (WIPO), Advice on Flexibilities under the TRIPS Agreement, http://www.wipo.int/ip-development/en/legislative_assistance/advice_trips.html, archived at https://perma.cc/DE85-UJEE (last visited Aug. 30, 2016).

 

[122] See Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property, Mar. 20, 1883, as last revised July 14, 1967, 21 U.S.T. 1583, 828 U.N.T.S. 311 (applying international treaty to industrial intellectual property).

 

[123] See Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works, Sept. 9, 1886, as last revised July 24, 1971, 25 U.S.T. 1341, 828 U.N.T.S. 221 (international agreement governing copyright law).

 

[124] See e.g.,Overview: the TRIPS Agreement, supra note 118.

 

[125] See generally Leahy-Smith America Invents Act, Pub. L. No. 112-29, 125 Stat. 284 (2011) (modernizing the United States Patent Law system).

 

[126] See 35 U.S.C. § 102(a), (b) (2006) (emphasis added).

 

[127] Id. (emphasis added).

 

[128] See id. (emphasis added).

 

[129] See supra note 59.

 

[130] See supra note 60.

 

[131] See Leanne M. Fecteau, The Ayahuasca Patent Revocation: Raising Questions About Current U.S. Patent Policy, 21 B.C. Third World L. J. 69, 86 (2001).

 

[132] See id. at 73-74.

 

[133] 35 U.S.C. §102(a)(1).

 

[134] Id.

 

[135] Id.

 

[136] See Ley N° 27811 [Law No. 27811], supra note 75 at art. 2(e) (explaining the protections created by the Peruvian government for collective knowledge of indigenous peoples in regard to biological resources).

 

[137] Plurinational State Of Bolivia [Constitution] 2009, Ch. V, art. 43 (Bol.), https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Bolivia_2009.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/A9YV-8AP5.

[138] See World Intellectual Prop. Org. (WIPO), Comparative Summary of Existing National SUI GENERIS Measures and Laws for the Protection of Traditional Knowledge, Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore, Fifth Session, WIPO Doc. WIPO/GRTKF/IC/5/INF/4 http://www.wipo.int/meetings/en/doc_details.jsp?doc_id=17394, archived at https://perma.cc/D7HC-DJY8 (June 20, 2003).

[139] See Peru Trade Promotion Agreement, Office Of The U.S. Trade Representative https://ustr.gov/trade-agreements/free-trade-agreements/peru-tpa, archived at https://perma.cc/AW2U-RUYC (last visited Sep. 9, 2016).

 

[140] See Ley N° 27811 [Law No. 27811], supra note 75 at art 42.

 

[141] See supra note 138.

 

[142] See supra Figure 2.

 

[143] See id.

 

[144] Drug Developers Are Aggressively Changing the Way They Do R&D, Tufts Center For the Study of Drug Dev. (Jan. 5, 2011), http://csdd.tufts.edu/news/complete_story/pr_outlook_2011, archived at https://perma.cc/55GK-T5BA.

 

[145] See supra Figure 2.

 

[146] This is an example situation.

 

[147] See Ass’n for Molecular Pathology v. Myriad Genetics, Inc., 133 S. Ct. 2107, 2116 (2013).

 

[148] See e.g., U.S. Patent No. 7,915,265 B2 (filed Feb. 15, 2006); see also U.S. Patent No. 8,067,433 B2 (filed Nov. 8, 2006); Alice Yuen-Ting Wong & Albert Wai-Kit Chan, Myriad and Its Implications for Patent Protection of Isolated Natural Products in the United States, Chinese Medicine, http://cmjournal.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/1749-8546-9-17, archived at https://perma.cc/K3VL-4SGX (last visited Sep. 7, 2016).

 

[149] See Parke-Davis & Co. v. H. K. Mulford & Co., 189 F. 95., 114 (S.D.N.Y. 1911); see also Michael D. Davis, The Patenting of Products of Nature, 21 Rutgers Computer & Tech. L. J. 293, 326 (1995).

 

[150] See id. at 324.

 

[151] See supra note 147 at 2111.

 

[152] See id at 2113.

 

[153] Id. at 2120.

 

[154] See id.

[155] Id. at 2119.

 

[156] See supra note 147 at 2111.

 

[157] See Jason Rantanen, Myriad: Isolated DNA out, cDNA in, patentlyo (June 13, 2013), http://patentlyo.com/patent/2013/06/myriad-isolated-dna-out-cdna-in.html, archived at https://perma.cc/3AZD-BQLW (discussing the outcome of Ass’n for Molecular Pathology v. Myriad, 133 S. Ct. 2107, 2118 (2013)).

 

[158] See Z. Peter Sawicki et al., Patenting Biologicals: Myriad Issues and Options in the Wake of Myriad, Bench & Bar (Sept. 9, 2013), http://mnbenchbar.com/2013/09/patenting-biologicals/, archived at https://perma.cc/GR3J-8PBT.

 

[159] See supra note 147 at 2112, 2117 (indicating that a small modification to naturally occurring DNA would likely qualify as a patentable product).

 

[160] Id. at 2116.

 

[161] See, e.g., Kristin C. Buteau, Deuterated Drugs: Unexpectedly Nonobvious?, 10 J. High Tech. L. 22, 26̀–27 (2009); Amanda Yarnel, Heavy-Hydrogen Drugs Turn Heads, Again: Firms Seek to Improve Drug Candidates by Selective Deuterium Substitution, Chem. & Eng’g News (June 22, 2009), http://cen.acs.org/articles/87/i25/Heavy-Hydrogen-Drugs-Turn-Heads.html, archived at https://perma.cc/NSX4-7CRN.

 

[162] See, e.g., Patrick Makary, Principles of Salt Formation, 2 U.K. J. Pharmaceutical & Biosciences 4, 1, 3 (2014), http://www.ukjpb.com/pdf/UKJPB_SuperAdmin_49_49_1411846931.pdf, archived at https://perma.cc/9CXQ-BHVY .

 

[163] See C.R.A. Wright, On the Action of Organic Acids and their Anhydrides on the Natural Alkaloids, 27 J. Chem. Soc’y. 1031, 1032 (1874), http://pubs.rsc.org/en/content/articlepdf/1874/js/js8742701031, archived at https://perma.cc/ECR9-V8UC.

 

[164] See id; see also U.N. Office on Drugs & Crime, History of Heroin, 5 Bull. on Narcotics 3, 3 (1953), https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/data-and-analysis/bulletin/bulletin_1953-01-01_2_page004.html, archived at https://perma.cc/S5SP-3FSE; Bayer, Felix Hoffmann, http://www.bayer.com/en/Felix-Hoffmann.aspx, archived at https://perma.cc/HF2J-8JL4 (last visited Sep. 8, 2016).

 

[165] See cDNA Production, Davidson Coll. Dept. of Biology, http://www.bio.davidson.edu/genomics/method/cDNAproduction.html, archived at https://perma.cc/4PZE-F428 (last visited Sep. 8, 2016).

 

[166]See e.g., Thermo Fisher Scientific, http://www.thermofisher.com/us/en/home/life-science/pcr/reverse-transcription/cdna-synthesis-kits.html, archived at https://perma.cc/FKX6-FYBQ (last visited Sep. 8, 2016).

 

[167] See supra Figure 2.

 

[168] E. Chan, M. Tan, J. Xin, S. Sudarsanam & D.E. Johnson, Interactions Between Traditional Chinese Medicines and Western Therapeutics, 13 Current Opinion Drug Discovery & Devel. 50, 52 (2010); see supra Section II.

 

[169] Id. at 63.

 

[170] This sample agreement was created for purposes of this article.

 

[171] See supra note 16.

 

[172] See Ley N° 27811 [Law No. 27811], supra note 75 at art. 20.

 

[173] See supra note 96.

 

[174] See Ley N° 27811 [Law No. 27811], supra note 75 at art. 2(a).

 

[175] Id. at art. 2(c).

[176] See id.

 

[177] See WIPO Toolkit, supra note 92 .

 

[178] See Ley N° 27811 [Law No. 27811], supra note 75 at art. 8.

 

[179] See supra Figure 1.

 

[180] See supra Figure 2.

 

[181] See supra Figure 3.

The Federal Government Has Just Granted You Permission to Hack Your Own Devices

hack-any-computer

By: Joe Strafaci,

Hacking a device, including one that you rightfully own, has been illegal under the Section 1201 of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) since 1998.[1] In effect, it prevents anyone from reverse-engineering hardware or software on any product they obtain in the marketplace.[2] While this might seem odd at first, companies have routinely cited its importance for maintaining the security of their products. This application ranges from protecting the copyright behind everything from a PlayStation to an automobile.[3]

But advocacy groups have long argued that certain types of hacking based on goodwill actually serves to help these companies and the general public. Recent research-oriented hackers have risked prosecution to show vulnerabilities in certain products.[4] Some examples of this research that includes showing how insulin pumps can be hacked to induce an overdose and how a Jeep could be hacked to affect the brakes and transmission.[5] As a result of this advocacy, an exemption finally kicked in on October 28, 2016 which will now permit what may be viewed as “good faith” hacking. While it permits the hacking of devices, the exemption will not provide a full bar from prosecution under Section 1201 of the DMCA.[6]

Several limitations have been placed on the exemption to permit hacking of commercial hardware and software products. The exemption only applies to what the DMCA refers to as “good faith” testing. This means that individuals will only be able to avoid the threat of prosecution if they are conducting their testing for the purpose of public safety or some similar reasoning. Additionally, any hacking or testing must be performed in a controlled environment in an effort to prevent potential harm to individuals involved or the public in general. Lastly, it is important to note that this exemption will only be active for two years, although it could potentially be extended.[7]

As a result of these limitations, the ability to hack into an individual’s own device will likely be severely limited. Different exemptions still exist for conducting specific activities, such as jail-breaking an iPhone.[8] However, most of the testing and hacking that the DMCA protects will be unavailable to the common individual. Due to these limitations, any individual that is not part of some type of research group is likely to risk prosecution under Section 1201.[9]

Despite these limitations, the general public will likely benefit greatly from this new exemption. It will allow sophisticated researchers to point out vulnerabilities in hardware and software that is now utilized in almost every industry. Furthermore, it will enable research groups to enact a degree of corporate oversight. For example, the recent Volkswagen scandal was initially brought to the attention of the public because researchers had reverse-engineered a Volkswagen automobile to show how Volkswagen had rigged its software to cheat emissions testing.[10] The limitations referenced above are likely a small price to pay for the general good that can come by providing an exemption to Section 1201 of the DMCA.

 

 

[1] See Digital Millennium Copyright Act, 17 U.S.C. § 1201 (1998).

[2] See id.

[3] See Understanding the Section 1201 Rulemaking, U.S. Copyright Office (Oct. 28, 2015).

[4] See Andy Greenberg, It’s Finally Legal to Hack Your Own Devices, Wired, (Oct. 31, 2016), https://www.wired.com/2016/10/hacking-car-pacemaker-toaster-just-became-legal/.

[5] See id.

[6] See id.

[7] See id.

[8] See Thomas Fox-Brewster, DMCA Ruling Ensures You Can’t Be Sued for Hacking Your Car, Your Games Or Your iPhone, Forbes, (Oct. 27, 2015), http://www.forbes.com/sites/thomasbrewster/2015/10/27/right-to-tinker-victory/#38a249a938ae.

[9] See id.

[10] See id.

Photo Source:

https://4.bp.blogspot.com/-JsC9iiSsZeM/VyMc4TTMWtI/AAAAAAAAn5s/KnN0ZyjFnkwLkzEQznsr_fYfiRNlM0dAACLcB/s1600/hack-any-computer.png

How Drones are Putting Food on the Table

atelier-drones-agriculture

By: Daniel Eggleston,

Most news about UAVs discusses their use as a military weapon, or is presented in the context of privacy concerns of citizens, or debates about the FAA’s regulation of civilian drones.[1] What isn’t talked about nearly as often is how drones are being implemented in the agricultural industry.[2] Farmers are finding ways to use drones to help increase yields and reduce crop damage.[3] “Worldwide, agriculture is the largest commercial market for unmanned aerial vehicles.”[4]

Unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) are replacing small aircraft as a practical and efficient way to monitor crops and collect data to optimize crop yield.[5] Crop imaging with UAVs is “. . . also much cheaper than crop imaging with a manned aircraft, which can run $1,000 an hour.”[6] Because FAA regulations require commercial drones to fly at an altitude of 400 feet or less,[7] they aren’t inhibited by clouds like a manned aircraft might be.[8]

Due to recent technological advances, drones have become much more prevalent in non-military settings.[9] This is in part because of the smartphone industry – many components used in smartphones are also used in drones.[10] For example, both contain GPS modules and powerful processors, and both utilize compact cameras.[11] Because of the demand for affordable components in the smartphone industry, drones have also become more affordable.[12] Farmers can buy drones for less than $1,000 apiece.[13]

Software organizes and interprets the information agriculture drones collect.[14] One platform, called DroneDeploy, “provides a suite of mobile and desktop tools that allow drone operators to plan and execute their automated flights, upload imagery collected from the drone’s camera to cloud-based servers to be processed into large area maps, and to analyze the 2D and 3D models.”[15] Maps can then be used to monitor weed locations, yield production, crop canopy closure, and plant population.[16]

“Drones can provide farmers with three types of detailed views.”[17] First, farmers can use aerial images of their crops to detect problems with irrigation, soil variation, and other issues that may not be visible at ground level.[18] Second, drones can utilize infrared and multispectral imagery to capture data that help farmers monitor the health of their crops.[19] Third, drones can survey crops constantly, providing data on demand farmers can use to optimize production.[20]

What’s more, FAA regulations released in August of 2016 make it substantially easier for the general public to use commercial drones.[21] “Previously, drone operators had to apply for special waivers from the FAA – a time-consuming and pricey process – to use UAVs for business.”[22] Now, to operate a commercial drone, one need only be 16 years old and qualify for a flying certificate.[23] As for the drone itself, in order to comply with the FAA it must weigh less than 55 pounds, fly no more than 400 feet in altitude, and not reach speeds exceeding 100 miles per hour.[24] Additionally, drones must be operated during the day and only 30 minutes before sunrise and after sunset, but operators can apply for waivers if they want to fly UAVs in circumstances that do not comply with the above regulations.[25]

The loosening of drone regulations coupled with the availability of affordable UAVs allows farmers to benefit from this emerging technology. [26] And, as the demand for food continues to grow along with the world’s population, the agricultural industry is a ready market for technological innovation. [27] With production yields in mind, “. . . the next revolution in agriculture will almost certainly be driven by the introduction of new precision farming techniques . . ..”[28] Drones are just one way farmers are using tech to better understand how to manage their crops and lower input costs.[29]

 

 

[1] See Chris Anderson, Agricultural Drones, MIT Tech. Rev. (Apr. 23, 2014), https://www.technologyreview.com/s/526491/agricultural-drones/.

[2] See id.

[3] See id.

[4] Prachi Patel, Agricultural Drones Are Finally Cleared for Takeoff, IEEE Spectrum (Oct. 19, 2016), http://spectrum.ieee.org/robotics/drones/agriculture-drones-are-finally-cleared-for-takeoff.

[5] See Anderson, supra note 1.

[6] Id.

[7] See id.

[8] See id.

[9] See Anderson, supra note 1.

[10] See Patel, supra note 4.

[11] See id.

[12] See id.

[13] See id.

[14] See Jose Antunes, GeoTiffs and Drone Mapping Data: A Unique Solution for Agriculture, Commercial UAV Expo (Nov. 6, 2016), http://www.expouav.com/news/latest/geotiffs-drone-mapping-data-unique-solution-agriculture/.

[15] Id.

[16] See id.

[17] See Anderson, supra note 1.

[18] See id.

[19] See id.

[20] See id.

[21] See Nyshka Chandran, FAA’s new drone laws go into effect Monday, allowing US companies to innovate, CNBC (Aug. 29, 2016), http://www.cnbc.com/2016/08/29/faas-new-drone-laws-go-into-effect-monday-allowing-us-companies-to-innovate.html.

[22] Id.

[23] See id.

[24] See id.

[25] See id.

[26] See Chandran, supra note 11.

[27] See Anderson, supra note 1.

[28] David Murray, Drones lead way in precision agriculture, Great Falls Tribune (Nov. 3, 2016), http://www.greatfallstribune.com/story/news/local/2016/11/03/drones-lead-way-precision-agriculture/93272348/.

[29] See id.

Photo Source:

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Cracking Spotify’s Royalty Code

untitled1spotify

By: Courtney Gilmore,

Gone are the days of purchasing CDs at the record store. Thanks to convenient music streaming services, we have our favorite tunes right at our fingertips. There’s a catch, though. While the online streaming models are favorable to the consumer, they exacerbate the plummeting profit margins for the music industry.[1] First it was vinyl records, then it was cassette tapes, then came CDs, and iTunes followed thereafter. Regrettably, artists are no longer seeing the same returns that they once did with each CD purchase or each iTunes song purchase.[2] Keeping in mind that before an artist can ever see any of that cash flow from a song sale or even a song stream the record label takes its substantial cut, it follows that online streaming puts an even bigger dent in each composer or singer’s revenue.

Spotify is one of these widely used streaming services. To avoid copyright violations, Spotify and similar services are legally obligated to obtain each artist’s permission to stream their songs in addition to agreeing on a royalty fee payment.[3] Under this model, artists are expected to receive a royalty payout per stream (i.e. each time a listener hits the play button on a song).[4] In light of this requirement, Section 115 of the Copyright Act sets out the procedures for coming up with a set rate royalty fee.[5] Spotify obtains this information by filing a formal “notice of intent” form with the Copyright Office.[6] This is meant to avoid the hassle of individually negotiating with each and every artist whose work is available on Spotify. These rates are determined by a board of Copyright Royalty Judges, or CRJs, to which they are commonly referred.[7] When setting these rates, the CRJs must adhere to the following objectives, which are to: (1) maximize the availability of creative works to the public; (2) afford the copyright owner a fair return for his or her creative work and the copyright user a fair income under existing economic conditions; (3) reflect the relative roles of the copyright owner and the copyright user in the product made available to the public with respect to relative creative contribution, technological contribution, capital investment, cost, risk, and contribution to the opening of new markets for creative expression and media for their communication; and (4) minimize any disruptive impact on the structure of the industries involved and on generally prevailing industry practices.[8]

The set rate system sounds like an equitable, easy-to-manage system, right? Wrong. Within the last few years, various complaints have arisen from artists alleging that they are not being adequately compensated for each of their songs being streamed on Spotify.[9] Take David Lowery, for example. He is the lead singer and guitarist for the bands Cracker and Camper Van Beethoven.[10] Specifically, Lowery claims that Spotify is failing to identify and locate the owners of these works to provide them with proper notice and payment.[11] While Spotify complains that the company has difficulty identifying who wrote certain songs and how to find those people, others find this difficult to believe.[12] Stephen Carlisle has been an entertainment attorney for more than twenty-six years and has never heard of a record company that has trouble locating artists.[13] Carlisle explains that record companies specifically have employees devoted to just musical licensing on each recording.[14] Thus, the record companies are well aware of who the songwriters are, what the percentage splits of the copyright are, and where to send the royalty payments.[15] It is therefore impossible that Spotify would be unable to track down these artists when all it would take is one phone call to the record company.

Notably, songs that are streamed through a Spotify Free account garner even less royalty payouts per stream than songs that are streamed through a paid subscription Spotify Premium account.[16] Consumers can either elect to have a free subscription or to have a Spotify Premium account, which costs ten dollars per month.[17] The former includes advertisements, while the latter is advertisement free. Depending on which subscription the listener chooses, the artist will see more or less return per stream.[18] To illustrate, in 2014 Spotify’s royalty range was between $0.006 and $0.0084 per stream.[19] Once labels receive their share of the royalties, artists received an estimated $0.001128 per stream on occasions when they were actually paid.[20]

I recently reached out to Spotify to inquire about their policy on royalty fees. This is the response I received:

When we first launched the Spotify Artists website three years ago, the goal of it was to introduce artists to all the facets of streaming, including the royalties model. As we’ve grown, the focus for the site has changed and our new site serves as a resource center for artists, providing practical information and tools to help them grow their fanbases around the world. Nothing has changed with regard to payouts. Our goal is and always has been to pay for every single stream and we pay the vast majority of every dollar we earn to our rights holders.[21]

Spotify’s total streams throughout the entire site and its yearly revenue are both unavailable to the public.[22] Since its inception in 2008, Spotify claims to have paid out more than $2 billion to record labels and publishers.[23] Spotify further claims that seventy percent of its annual gross revenue is paid out in royalties to artists.[24] The mystery remains though whether those royalty fees are actually getting to the individual artists or if they remain in the hands of the record labels, if anything. In light of this suspicion, there are allegations that recording companies, including Sony, Warner, and Universal, reportedly own as much as a twenty percent stake in the Spotify.[25] In particular, this concern has given rise to Sony being sued for breach of good faith and fair dealing.[26]

While Spotify offers quick and easy access to the consumer, the Swedish company seems to ultimately put a damper on the music industry. It is an efficient tool for those up-and-coming artists who are striving to be discovered by the general public; however, when interest turns into profit, artists’ rates of return are scant. The meager attempt by Congress to achieve a fair system through blanket licensing requirements is treated like a suggestion rather than a requirement.[27] The fact of the matter is that royalties and streaming do not match up.[28] Artists are therefore left with the decision of whether to allow their music to be streamed for extremely low profitability rates (if any), or to pull their music from Spotify, thus sacrificing their marketability.

 

 

[1] See Stuart Dredge, Here’s How Much Musicians Make Online from Spotify, iTunes and YouTube, The Guardian (Apr. 3, 2015), http://www.businessinsider.com/heres-how-much-musicians-make-online-from-spotify-itunes-and-youtube-2015-4.

[2] See id. (depicting that an unsigned artist made $0.69 for each iTunes single track download in 2015, which is a 70% cut of the profit; while an unsigned artists made $0.007 per stream on Spotify).

[3] See 17 U.S.C. § 115(a)(1).

[4] See id.

[5] See id.

[6] See id. (“Any person who wishes to obtain a compulsory license under this section shall, before or within thirty days after making, and before distributing any phonorecords of the work, serve notice of intention to do so on the copyright owner.”).

[7] See Caitlin Kowalke, How Spotify Killed the Radio Star: An Analysis on How the Songwriter Equity Act Could Aid the Current Online Music Distribution Market in Failing Artists, 6 Cybaris An Intell. Prop. L. Rev. 193, 203 (Spring 2015).

[8] See 17 U.S.C. § 801(b)(1)(A)-(D).

[9] See Y. Peter Kang, Spotify Hit With $150M Copyright Infringement Suit, Law360 (Jan. 4, 2016), http://www.law360.com/articles/742167; see also Bill Donahue, Tidal, Jay Z Sued Over Unpaid Songwriter Royalties, Law360 (Feb. 29, 2016), http://www.law360.com/articles/764815/tidal-jay-z-sued-over-unpaid-songwriter-royalties.

[10] See Kang, supra note 9.

[11] See id. (Spotify responded, “We are committed to paying songwriters and publishers every penny. Unfortunately, especially in the United States, the data necessary to confirm the appropriate rights-holders is often missing, wrong or incomplete.”).

[12] See Stephen Carlisle, How Spotify Pays (or Doesn’t Pay) Songwriters, NSU (Dec. 18, 2015), http://copyright.nova.edu/spotify/.

[13] See id.

[14] See id.

[15] See id.

[16] See Claire Zillman, Here’s How Much Artists Really Make on Spotify, Fortune (June 4, 2015), http://fortune.com/2015/06/04/heres-how-much-artists-really-make-on-spotify/.

[17] See Spotify, Go Premium. Be Happy. (2016), https://www.spotify.com/us/premium/.

[18] See David Johnson, See How Much Every Top Artist Makes on Spotify, Time (Nov. 18, 2014), http://time.com/3590670/spotify-calculator/.

[19] See id.; see also Dredge, supra note 1.

[20] See Dredge, supra note 1.

[21] Email from The Spotify Team, Spotify, to author (Nov. 3, 2016, 11:27 AM) (on file with author).

[22] See Johnson, supra note 18.

[23] See id.

[24] See Jim Edwards, Here Is the Fantastically Tiny Amount of Money Artists Get When Spotify Plays Their Songs, Business Insider (Dec. 5, 2013), http://www.businessinsider.com/what-spotify-pays-artists-for-songs-in-royalties-2013-12.

[25] See Eriq Gardner, Sony’s Equity Stake in Spotify Challenged in Lawsuit Claiming Artists Are Robbed, Billboard (June 24, 2015), http://www.billboard.com/articles/business/6605841/sonys-spotify-equity-artist-royalties-lawsuit-breakage (“Together, and individually, Sony and the other major record labels therefore have significant power to exert control over Spotify in order to not only dictate how revenue will be paid, but wrongfully and in bad faith divert money from royalties that msut be shared to other forms of revenue that they can keep for themselves.”).

[26] See id.

[27] See Kang, supra note 9.

[28] See Holly Ellyatt, Spotify Reaches ‘Landmark’ Royalties Deal with NMPA, CNBC (Mar. 18, 2016), http://www.cnbc.com/2016/03/18/spotify-reaches-landmark-royalties-deal-with-nmpa.html (“Spotify denies purposefully copying artists’ songs for distribution without their permission but also admits that it sometimes plays songs without knowing who to pay for them, blaming the issue one the lack of accurate data”).

Photo Source:

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Skin Is In: Narrow Copyright Protection of Tattoos Featured in Video Games

screen-shot-2016-11-26-at-12-57-58-pm

By: Abby Johansen,

Who owns the rights to tattooed skin? This summer the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York was confronted with this question, but, under circumstances that had never been addressed by a court before. The suit asked not only who owns the rights over a tattoo, but who owns the rights over a tattoo when it is featured in a popular video game? This question still looms unanswered, as the District Court relied on a statutory ban from recovery when deciding to dismiss the case.

In February 1, 2016, Solid Oakes Sketches filed a complaint against 2K Games and Take-Two Interactive Software, Inc. for alleged infringement over the popular video game, NBA 2K16, for featuring eight tattoos on their digital depictions of professional basketball players. Solid Oakes entered into copyright license agreements with the individual artists of the eight tattoos in question.[1] The tattoos were based off of actual tattoos on NBA stars including: Lebron James, Kobe Bryant, Eric Bledsoe, DeAndre Jordan, and Kenyon Martin.[2] Solid Oaks registered copyrights over the tattoos in June and July of 2015.[3] Before filing their suit, Solid Oaks Sketches attempted to notify and meet with 2K Games to discuss the alleged infringement with the hope of entering into an agreement giving 2K Games permission to use the tattoos in the video game for a price of approximately one million dollars.[4] 2K Games refused such an agreement and continued to produce the video games, with better graphics, more recognizable characters, and featured the newly copyrighted tattoos in a much individualized manner.[5] Take-Two Software, Inc., claims that NBA 2K16 sold more than four million copies within the first week of the game’s release in September 2015.[6]

Copyright law protects original works of authorship that are fixed in a tangible medium of expression[7]. It is easy to claim that tattoos, at least, require some amount of originality, as copyright law merely requires a minimal level of creativity to be deemed as original.[8] But, challenges arise with the ‘fixed in a tangible medium of expression’ requirement. Specifically, whether or not a person’s skin is a tangible medium of expression.[9] Generally, an original tattoo fixed on an individual’s skin is considered to be copyrightable material, and, as a result, entitled to the Copyright Act’s enumerated exclusive rights.[10] The Copyright Act grants copyright owners the exclusive rights to reproduce, prepare derivative works, distribute copies, perform the work publicly, and display the work publicly.[11]

When tattoos, professional athletes, and media come together all of the exclusive rights associated with copyrights are at risk. Traditionally, major tattoo copyright suits involving celebrities or professional athletes have ended in confidential out of court settlements. In 1998, a tattoo artist in Oregon sued Nike and Rasheed Wallace, a NBA basketball player, over Wallace’s involvement in a Nike advertisement.[12] The ad featured two of Wallace’s tattoos and he explained the meaning and creative process behind each one.[13] The artist claimed that Nike and Wallace had infringed upon his copyrights without his permission and without even notifying him of the advertisement.[14] The case, Reed v. Nike, was dismissed and settle outside of court approximately eight month’s after it was filed.[15]

Another noteworthy, and perhaps the most well know, case is Whitmill v. Warner Brothers Entertainment, Inc., which focuses on Mike Tyson’s signature face tattoo. The issue arose after Warner Brothers began marketing for the release of their new film The Hangover: Part II, which featured a reproduction of Tyson’s face tattoo in both the trailer and the official movie poster.[16] The tattoo artist claimed that “both the trailer and the poster constituted unauthorized copying, distributing, and publicly displaying of the copyrighted work, and the version of the tattoo used in the film qualified as an unauthorized derivative work.”[17] In his complaint, the tattoo artist sought injunctive and monetary relief for the alleged infringement. Much like the prior Nike case, this case settled outside of court as well.

The Nike case is often considered to be the first case to allege copyright infringement over a tattoo and many worried that it would cause a mass influx of similar cases.[18] But, this proved not to be true, as there have only been a few other notable copyright infringement suits over tattoos and they have ended in confidential out of court settlements. Most tattoo artists expect for their rights to be infringed based on the individual they are tattooing, they understand that their tattoo will be on TV or in a picture, but when the tattoo is specifically featured or commercialized, the incentive to sue increases. Although their rights may have been infringed, artists generally agree that the process of going to court and litigating over the copyrights associated with a tattoo is not worth the associated costs of litigation.[19] This sentiment is strengthened by the fact that there is a lack of actual precedent on this specific issue because the limited amount of prior cases over copyrights of tattoos have all settled out of court.[20]

The question over individual tattoos featured in video games potentially presents a new incentive for artists to litigate over the copyrights to their works. Professional athletes have their own individual rights of publicity, for instance, where they choose to go to make appearances or who they allow to use their likeness (magazines, advertisements, etc.).[21] Similarly, tattoo artists deserve rights over their original works of authorship fixed on the athletes’ body.[22] Also, the video game industry should not be improperly held back from improving and enhancing their technology. As increased realism in video games leads to increased profits and popularity.[23] The intersection and competition between the rights of artists, athletes, and video game developers creates major issues for copyright law, as athletes continue to consistently grab public attention, video games improve their graphics, and tattoos remain to be original and recognizable.

It is important to note that the artists who licensed their tattoo works to Solid Oaks Sketches are not attempting to control the specific athletes featured in the NBA 2K16 video game, they are claiming rights over the commercialization of their works.[24] It would be unreasonable to suggest that professional athletes should have to cover up their tattoos to prevent them from being broadcasted or captured in a picture.[25] Similarly it would be against the nature of Intellectual Property law to limit the technological development of video games. But, an artist’s exclusive copyrights are severely impacted in this scenario. For instance, an artist’s right to reproduce is affected by the digital reproduction of their tattoo featured in the game.[26] On the same note, the digital recreation of the tattoo could be considered a derivative work in violation of an artist’s right to prepare derivative works.[27] By selling the video game, like in the Solid Oak case by the millions in just one week, an artist’s right to distribute is impacted.[28] And, perhaps the most controversial, when the athlete appears in public with the tattoo visible, he may violate an artist’s right to publicly display their work.[29] There is a serious issue over balancing rights at play here, and this question is exacerbated by the influence of large scale profit potential, fame, and the constant improvement and development of technology.

One potential defense for the video game industry is an implied license. An implied license may arise when there is no written agreement between the copyright owner and the infringer, it would give the infringer some rights over a tattoo, but these rights would be limited the extent of what the tattoo artist would have agreed to if there was a formal written agreement in place.[30] It has been said that an implied license defense would be weak when applied to the Solid Oaks Sketches case, because “while this defense seems solid in protecting the NBA from infringement suits every time Lebron appears on television for games, it is much weaker when LeBron’s lion head [tattoo] appears on its own, independent from his body, and even weaker still when this unique tattoo appears on another NBA star’s avatar.”[31] In addition, the tattoo artists knew that they were tattooing professional athletes, who are featured in many types of pictures and videos, and because of this, their tattoos could be included and reproduced in various types of media and technology as the tattoo is physically a part of their bodies.[32] The potential downfall of an implied license defense for video game developers is that an implied license is designed to protect noncommercial displays of an author’s work, which is clearly not the case here.[33]

The Solid Oaks Sketches case was dismissed because the District Court held that the alleged infringement occurred before the tattoos were actually registered with the Copyright Office.[34] The tattoos were registered in the summer of 2015, but they were previously featured in earlier versions of the NBA 2K game (released in 2013 and 2014). So, the initial alleged infringement occurred years before the tattoos were registered and the suit was not file in time to be considered.[35] Despite the recent dismissal, Solid Oak Sketches can still continue to attempt to recover actual damages from Take-Two Software, Inc. (the other defendant in their initial suit) from their incorporation into the NBA 2K16 game that was released in 2015. [36] As a result, the question of who owns the copyrights over tattoos featured in video games remains unanswered by courts and the profit potential for all potential parties involved continues to rise.

 

 

[1] See Solid Oak Sketches, LLC v. 2K Games, Inc., No. 16CV724-LTS, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 101119, at *3 (S.D.N.Y. Aug. 2, 2016).

[2] See Johnathan Stempel, NBA 2K Videogame Maker Wins Dismissal of Big Tattoo Damages Claim, Reuters (Aug. 2, 2016), http://www.reuters.com/article/us-take-two-interac-lawsuit-nba-tattoos-idUSKCN10D28X.

[3] See Solid Oak, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 101119, at 3.

[4] See Bill Donahue, Novel Suit over Tattoos in Video Games Likely to Fade, Law360 (Feb. 8, 2016), http://www.law360.com/articles/755607/novel-suit-over-tattoos-in-video-games-likely-to-fade.

[5] See Solid Oak, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 101119, at *3-4.

[6] See Stempel, supra note 2.

[7] See 17 U.S.C.S. § 102(a) (LEXIS through Pub. L. No. 114-244).

[8] See Jennifer Commander, The Player, the Video Game, and the Tattoo Artist: Who Has the Most Skin in the Game?, 72 Wash. & lee L. Rev. 1947, 1954 (2015).

[9] See Id.

[10] See Id.

[11] See 17 U.S.C.S. § 106 (LEXIS through Pub. L. No. 114-244).

[12] See Commander, supra note 8, at 1957.

[13] See id at 1958.

[14] See id.

[15] See id at 1959.

[16] See id at 1961.

[17] See Commander, supra note 8, at 1961.

[18] See id at 1960.

[19] See id at 1964.

[20] See id at 1965.

[21] See id at 1977.

[22] See Commander, supra note 8, at 1978.

[23] See id at 1978.

[24] See Samantha Elie, Whose Tattoos? Body Art and Copyright (Part I), Center for Art Law (Mar. 16, 2016), https://itsartlaw.com/2016/03/16/whose-tattoos-tattoos-and-copyright/comment-page-1/.

[25] See id.

[26] See Commander, supra note 8, at 1955.

[27] See id at 1955.

[28] See id.

[29] See id at 1956.

[30] See Elie, supra note 24.

[31] See id.

[32] See Donahue, supra note 4.

[33] See Commander, supra note 8, at 1975.

[34] See Joyce Hanson, Tattoo Co. Loses Some Damages Claims Over ‘NBA 2K’ Games, Law360 (Aug. 2, 2016), https://www.law360.com/articles/824247/tattoo-co-loses-some-damages-claims-over-nba-2k-games?article_related_content=1.

[35] See Solid Oak Sketches, LLC v. 2K Games, Inc., No. 16CV724-LTS, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 101119, at *6 (S.D.N.Y. Aug. 2, 2016).

[36] See Hanson, supra note 34.

Photo Source:

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How the Blockchain is Changing Licensing in the Music Industry

daisi

By: Daniel Eggleston

Since 1999, online piracy has caused a lot of problems for the music industry.[1]  While online streaming services like Pandora and Spotify have helped to curb illegal music downloads, they haven’t made it any easier for artists to get paid for their work.[2]  What’s more, streaming services and music companies often disagree when divvying up the money, leaving artists stuck somewhere in the middle. [3]

Traditionally, songwriters and recording artists assign their rights (to a work) to a third party known as a performance rights organization (PRO).[4]  PRO’s keep track of how many times a song is used, and determine the amount of royalties paid to the copyright holder.[5]  Copyrights to a song are usually assigned to a music publisher, while copyrights to a recording of a song are assigned to a record label.[6]

From the artist’s standpoint, how a PRO or record company tracks a song’s use is an opaque process.  Despite the advent of online streaming sites giving artists more exposure than ever, these artists are nevertheless having difficulty translating that exposure into profit.  For example, “a major music service . . . pays an average of $0.000035 per stream,” equating to approximately $35 for a million streams.[7]  For most artists, this means streaming revenue isn’t much of an income source.

The blockchain could be the answer artists have been looking for.[8]  The blockchain is “a way to structure data, and the foundation of cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin,” allowing parties to share a digital ledger across a network of computers.[9]  Anything of value can be tracked and traded on this ledger, and it doesn’t require a control center.[10]  This emerging technology will likely be used for many different business applications,[11] and it is already being applied to the music industry.[12]

Unlike the traditional method of assigning rights to a PRO or record label, artists can track the number of plays and purchases of a work through the digital ledger.[13]  This method offers greater transparency for the artists;[14] as “there would be no opacity in accounting, no delay in payment, and no confusion over who owned or controlled which rights to the work.”[15]

The music startup Revelator has already found success utilizing this new platform. On September 12, 2016, Revelator raised $2.5 million dollars in funding for its blockchain-based platform.[16]  Revelator will enable an artist to monitor his or her song rights and receive royalty distributions directly, eliminating the traditional role of a performance rights organization.[17]

This startup—along with others like it—will address some of the problems that have plagued the music industry since its inception, and will do so in a number of key ways.  First, these startups will resolve the long history of distrust between artists and the companies who handle their royalties because of the transparent nature of blockchain transactions.[18]  Second, these startups are highly efficient.  Unlike the traditional methods of royalty distribution and licensing, an artist can directly transfer or assign rights “per territory, per licensor, and per product,” and receive mass and micro-payments at fractional costs.[19]  Third, the blockchain creates a new business model allowing artists more control over the rights and distribution of their work.[20]  Finally, the digital ledger inherent in blockchain technology allows for the “global registry of rights information and distribution of assets with complete tracking, transparency, and trust.”[21]

Revelator is just one example of an emerging trend; many other startups are experimenting with the blockchain’s applicability to the music industry.[22]  However, big record companies and online streaming services still control how the majority of the market accesses music. As such, if these blockchain-based companies gain traction it will be interesting to see whether the bigger companies push back or begin to incorporate the blockchain technology into their business models.[23]

 

 

[1] https://techcrunch.com/2016/10/08/how-blockchain-can-change-the-music-industry/

[2] See id.

[3] See id.

[4] Music Royalties, Royalty Exchange, http://www.royaltyexchange.com/learn/music-royalties.

[5] See id.

[6] See id.

[7] Imogen Heap, Don Tapscott, Blockchain Could Be Music’s Next Disruptor, Fortune (Sep. 22, 2016 3:59 PM) http://fortune.com/2016/09/22/blockchain-music-disruption/.

[8] See id.

[9] Robert Hackett, Wait, What is Blockchain?, Fortune (May 23, 2016, 9:00 AM), http://fortune.com/2016/05/23/blockchain-definition/

[10] What is Blockchain?, IBM http://www.ibm.com/blockchain/what_is_blockchain.html.

[11] See id.

[12] See Heap & Tapscott, supra note 7.

[13] See id.

[14] See id.

[15] See id.

[16] Jacob Timp, Music Platform Raises $2.5 Million For Blockchain-Based Music Rights Technology, Coin Telegraph (Sep. 12, 2016, 12:49 PM), https://cointelegraph.com/news/music-platform-raises-25-million-for-blockchain-based-music-rights-technology.

[17] See Gideon Gottfried, Blockchain Platform Colu Partners With Revelator in Push to Fix Music’s Data, Billboard (Aug. 18, 2015, 10:40 AM), http://www.billboard.com/articles/business/6664006/colu-revelator-blockchain.

[18] See id.

[19] See id.

[20] See id.

[21] Id.

[22] See Jonathan Chester, How Blockchain Startups Are Disrupting The $15 Billion Music Industry, Forbes (Sep. 16, 2016, 11:07 AM), http://www.forbes.com/sites/jonathanchester/2016/09/16/how-blockchain-startups-are-disrupting-the-15-billion-music-industry/#77f4d29d652c.

[23] See id.

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Should Airbnb Be Responsible For Legal Transgressions By Its Users?

airbnb-people-logo-e1466198050263

By: Madison Jennings,

Airbnb is a home-sharing service modeled after the same ‘sharing economy’ principles as ride-sharing services such as Uber. ‘Hosts’ list their residences on Airbnb as available for a nightly fee to travellers who would rather not spend the money to stay at a hotel.[1] Together, platforms like Airbnb and Uber make up the budding ‘sharing economy’, which allows individuals to utilize services they may not have had access to otherwise.[2]

At it’s inception, Air Bed and Breakfast (as it was called then) consisted of a few air mattresses on the floor of a San Francisco loft.[3] Today, owners, tenants, and property managers all promote their properties on Airbnb. Some offer just a room, others just a couch, and still others the entire property for the duration of the stay.[4] As Airbnb has grown and it’s base of users diversified, several legal issues have made themselves readily apparent.

While Airbnb is without a doubt a massive boon to young people looking to travel to faraway places but who lack the financial resources to stay at traditional hotels, not everyone has a favorable impression of the home-sharing service. In places like New York and even San Francisco (Airbnb’s city of origin) there has been significant push back against the application.[5]

Conceptually, Airbnb’s services are not inherently illegal, but many of the available properties do run afoul of local housing regulations. For example, New York homeowners cannot rent their homes out for fewer than thirty days, unless they themselves are also living on the property during the rental period.[6] While this has little significance for the owner who rents out their spare bedroom, both the individual who rents out their apartment while they themselves travel and the property manager who rents short-term using Airbnb are technically in violation. For many, this is a problem. One New York man, who rented out his bedroom while on vacation, returned home to a potential $40,000 fine from the city, despite his roommate being in the apartment the entire time.[7] Because the host who advertised the space was not there, it violated the law. Had the roommate advertised the room instead, there would have been no issue.

Despite legalizing Airbnb in 2014, the service’s home city of San Francisco has grown steadily more cold towards the home-sharing market. In 2015, the city put forth a proposition to impose hotel taxes and housing codes upon Airbnb hosts.[8] Though the proposition was ultimately defeated, Airbnb had to invest $8.5 million to do so, showing that support for Airbnb isn’t quite as universal as you might think.[9]

Generally, the main complaint that cities level against Airbnb is that it enables illegal hotel operations not only to function, but to flourish, depriving the city of tax revenues.[10]

The hotel industry is, of course, not as taken with the Airbnb service as the rest of the world seems to be. This should be obvious: the existence of a cheaper alternative eats away at the profits for traditional hotels. Not as obviously, the prevalence of Airbnb as an alternative to long-term tenancy of rental properties may have serious consequences for residents of cities with already high costs of living.

By having a revolving door of short-term tenants cycle through a property, landlords can maximize the property’s income potential. While the effects of this are difficult to clearly observe, there have been several instances of long-time tenants having their leases terminated, only for the same property to appear on Airbnb as a short-term rental within a few weeks.[11]

On top of that, there’s little in the way of real protection for hosts who welcome Airbnb users into their homes. Visitors have often caused damage or become troublesome towards neighbors.[12] Less frequently, however, visitors have overstayed their welcome. There has been at least one instance of an Airbnb tenant scheduling a temporary stay, and then refusing to leave for just long enough to acquire tenant’s rights, forcing the host to go to the court system in order to evict him.[13]

Then, an issue arises when hosts who are themselves renters are either ignorant of or choose to deliberately ignore their own lease obligations to the owner of their home. Many leases have specific requirements for subletting, as well as rules about how many consecutive days a guest can stay. Renters who run afoul of these lease provisions while playing host on Airbnb can face eviction themselves.[14]

All of these issues stem from one core problem with Airbnb: the people who use it are typically not familiar enough with the applicable fields of regulatory law to make informed decisions. Additionally, it’s hard to imagine your average young adult considering potential legal ramifications for something as seemingly-innocuous as allowing someone to crash on their couch for a few days or even a few weeks. Only law students and lawyers seem to be so unyieldingly cynical.

Some users who have faced unexpected legal consequences of hosting on Airbnb have called for more accountability from the service.[15] While the website currently states clearly that hosts need to check their own local laws to assure their compliance, many users think that the burden should be on Airbnb to effectively warn individuals of potential problems related to their geographic area.[16]

The question becomes: should Airbnb be culpable for ensuring that no one uses their platform in a way that violates local laws?

The answer, I’d say, is likely to be ‘no’. Airbnb is a tool, and it is ultimately the responsibility of the user to ensure that their use is compliant with the law.

 

 

[1] See Biz Carson, How 3 Guys Turned Renting an Air Mattress in Their Apartment into a $25 Billion Company, Business Insider, Feb. 23, 2016, http://www.businessinsider.com/how-airbnb-was-founded-a-visual-history-2016-2/#in-2007-the-two-roommates-living-in-san-francisco-couldnt-afford-to-pay-rent-the-pair-decided-to-turn-their-loft-into-an-area-that-could-fit-three-air-mattresses-along-with-the-mattress-and-a-nights-sleep-came-the-promise-of-a-breakfast-too-2.

[2] See id.

[3] See id.

[4] See id.

[5] See Elie Mystal, Airbnb Lawsuit Pits Poor New Yorkers Against Middle-Class New Yorkers As Hotels Laugh And Count Money, Above The Law, Oct. 26, 2016, http://abovethelaw.com/2016/10/airbnb-lawsuit-pits-poor-new-yorkers-against-middle-class-new-yorkers-as-hotels-laugh-and-count-money/?rf=1.

[6] See Ron Lieber, A Warning for Hosts of Airbnb Travellers, The New York Times, Nov. 30, 2012, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/01/your-money/a-warning-for-airbnb-hosts-who-may-be-breaking-the-law.html.

[7] See id.

[8] See Alejandro Lazo and Douglas Macmillan, San Francisco Voters Reject ‘Airbnb Initiative’, The Wall Street Journal, Nov. 4, 2015, http://www.wsj.com/articles/san-francisco-voters-reject-airbnb-initiative-1446622854.

[9] See id. 

[10] See Will Coldwell, Airbnb’s Legal Troubles: What Are The Issues?, The Guardian, July 8, 2014, https://www.theguardian.com/travel/2014/jul/08/airbnb-legal-troubles-what-are-the-issues.

[11] See Steven Hill, Evictions and Conversions: The Unsavory Side of Airbnb, The American Prospect, Oct. 19, 2015, http://prospect.org/article/evictions-and-conversions-dark-side-airbnb.

[12] See supra note 6.

[13] See Julie Bort, Airbnb Host: A Guest is Squatting In My Condo and I Can’t Get Him to Leave, Business Insider, July 21, 2014, http://www.businessinsider.com/airbnb-host-cant-get-squatter-to-leave-2014-7.

[14] See Stephen Fishman, Tenants: How to Make Airbnb Work for You and Your Landlord, Nolo, http://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/tenants-how-make-airbnb-work-you-your-landlord.html.

[15] See Will Coldwell, Airbnb’s Legal Troubles: What Are The Issues?, The Guardian, July 8, 2014, https://www.theguardian.com/travel/2014/jul/08/airbnb-legal-troubles-what-are-the-issues.

[16] See id.

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Still Texting and Driving? Think Again.

wenrich-picture

By: Sarah Wenrich,

Each state is able to create its own laws regarding cellphone use for drivers of motor vehicles, but 46 out of the 50 states plus Washington D.C. have prohibited the act of “texting while driving” for all drivers other than those in emergency vehicles. [1] As texting while driving has been shown to slow a driver’s reaction time as much as drinking four beers [2] and is also the cause of one out of every four accidents[3], this ban should come as no surprise.

In New York (as well as fourteen other states and the District of Columbia), there is also a statute that bans using hand held phone while driving, including talking on a hand held device. [4] This law extends to the use of a cell phone while stopped at a red light or in a tollbooth.[5] However, this behavior is still difficult for officers to observe, leaving the law enforced less often then it should be. [6] To combat this, a bill has been introduced in the New York Senate that would allow for the use of a device, currently being referred to as a “textalyzer,” to analyze a driver’s phone either when the driver is pulled over and suspected of using a phone while driving or after an accident occurs. [7] In pushing for this law, New York legislators are pursuing a theory of implied consent such that when you receive your driver’s license, you are implicitly giving consent to be subjected to a future textalyzer examination. [8]

The textalyzer would connect to the cell phone and relay to officers whether the cell phone was in use at the time in question. [9] Advocates for the use of the textalyzer address privacy concerns with this type of technology by arguing that it would not give the officers any access to personal data from the phone.[10] On the other side of the argument, people opposed to this technological probe into a person’s device express concern over the fact that a driver may not be able to recognize when more information is being passed onto law enforcement officers without their knowledge.[11] While it has not yet been voted on in legislative session, it could have effects that reach far beyond the borders of New York.

The state of Virginia is another state that prohibits texting while driving for drivers of any age.[12] The current law in Virginia prohibits drivers from “manually [entering] multiple letters or text in the device as a means of communicating with another person” [13] and from “[reading] any email or text message transmitted to the device or stored within the device.” [14] However, this law does not apply when the vehicle is legally stopped, allowing people at stoplights to text and email behind the wheel without penalty. [15] Additionally, because this law allows the use of a hand held phone for talking or GPS purposes, enforcement of this law is incredibly difficult. [16] If a police officer sees someone texting while driving, the driver can avoid a citation by either telling the officer he was not on the phone at all or that he was using it for a legal purpose.[17] If New York passes the use of the textalyzer technology, it could be an appealing option for police officers in Virginia to effectively enforce the ban on texting and driving.

While it is very challenging to enact new highway safety laws in Virginia,[18] this technology would not ban any new act by a driver; it would simply allow for the enforcement of the Virginia law already in place that bans texting and driving. The final textalyzer device has not yet been produced, but the CEO of Cellebrite Technology (the company that would produce the textalyzer) says that it will not be technologically challenging to produce.[19] Because the textalyzer technology could have the ability to analyze different applications and the activity in any or all of those applications,[20] slightly different versions could be adopted on a state-to-state basis in order to accommodate each state’s law.

The textalyzer may seem like a crazy and potentially invasive tactic for cracking down on law-breakers, but when texting and driving causes 11 teen deaths per day,[21] it may be what it takes to make people second guess grabbing their phone from behind the wheel. Unfortunately, if knowing that texting while driving causes 1.6 million accidents and 330,000 injuries per year[22] doesn’t stop a driver from texting, it’s unlikely that increased enforcement of the current law will do the trick.

 

 

[1] See Distracted Driving Laws, Governors Highway Safety Association, http://www.ghsa.org/html/stateinfo/laws/cellphone_laws.html (last visited October 30, 2016).

[2] See Texting and Driving Statistics, Texting and Driving Safety, http://www.textinganddrivingsafety.com/texting-and-driving-stats (last visited Nov. 3, 2016).

[3] See Cell Phone Use While Driving, Edgar Snyder & Associates, https://www.edgarsnyder.com/car-accident/cause-of-accident/cell-phone/cell-phone-statistics.html (last visited Nov. 2, 2016).

[4] See Distracted Driving Laws, supra note 1.

[5] See Matt Richtel, Texting and Driving? Watch Out for the Textalyzer, The New York Times (Apr. 27, 2016), http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/28/science/driving-texting-safety-textalyzer.html?_r=0.

[6] See NEW YORK STATE’S MOBILE PHONE and PORTABLE ELECTRONIC DEVICE LAWS, Governor’s Traffic Safety Committee, http://safeny.ny.gov/phon-ndx.htm (last visited Oct. 30, 2016).

[7] See Karen Turner, A proposed ‘textalyzer’ bill might give cops the right to access your cellphone, The Washington Post (Apr. 13, 2016), https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-switch/wp/2016/04/13/a-proposed-textalyzer-bill-might-give-cops-the-right-to-access-your-cellphone/.

[8] See Richtel, supra note 5.

[9] Id.

[10] See Bruce Brown, Using your phone while driving may be stupider than ever, Digital Trends (Apr. 12, 2016, 5:38 AM), http://www.digitaltrends.com/mobile/cellebrite-textalyzer-driving-mobile-test-news/.

[11] See Turner, supra note 7.

[12] See Distracted Driving Laws, supra note 1.

[13] See Va. Code Ann. § 46.2-1078.1(A)(1) (2016).

[14] See Id at (A)(2).

[15] See What is the law on Texting While Driving in Virginia and What Does it Really Mean?, McGlone Law Firm, P.C., http://www.mcglonelaw.com/faqs/what-is-the-driving-while-texting-dwt-law-in-virginia-.cfm (last visited Oct. 30, 2016).

[16] Id.

[17] See Ashley Halsey III, Virginia’s new texting-while-driving law contains loophole, The Washington Post (Apr. 11, 2013), https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/trafficandcommuting/virginias-new-texting-while-driving-law-contains-loophole/2013/04/10/63bb64a2-a05a-11e2-82bc-511538ae90a4_story.html.

[18] Id.

[19] See Richtel, supra note 5.

[20] See Brown, supra note 10.

[21] See Texting and Driving Statistics, supra note 2.

[22] Id.

 

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Jury Selection: How Social Media is Changing the Game

e009e5_15349e6a48b6432c8eccb32995c4e399mv2

By: Kathleen Pulver,

Ask any trial attorney what the most important part of a trial is and they will likely tell you it is jury selection.[1] In both criminal and civil trials, attorneys on both sides of the case are given the opportunity to question potential jurors through the process of voir dire.[2] Voir dire allows counsel to expose any potential bias and prior knowledge a juror may have about a case.[3] Based on their responses to these questions, an unlimited number of jurors may be removed “for cause.”[4] “For cause” removal allows attorneys to request that a juror be removed from consideration for things such as a close personal relationship to one of the parties or attorneys involved in the case.[5] Attorneys are also typically allowed a small number of preemptory challenges to jury selection, and this is where the “art” of jury selection comes in.[6]

In an effort to achieve the best results for their clients, many attorneys have begun to hire jury consultants.[7] Rising in prevalence since the 1980s, jury consultants are typically highly educated in the social sciences and occasionally the law, although a law school education is not required.[8] The first time jury consultants received major attention in the press was the O.J. Simpson trial.[9] Since the O.J. Simpson trial, jury consultants have been hired by defense counsel to assist in jury selection and trial strategy preparation in many cases, with some of the most notable being the Scott Peterson and Martha Stewart trials.[10] Now, the art of jury selection is also being broadcast into people’s homes with CBS’ new show, “Bull.”[11] Although not an entirely accurate depiction of the day-to-day workings of a jury consultant, “Bull” demonstrates how far jury selection has come since the 1980s, and presents some important legal questions for the future of jury consultants.[12]

In the 1995 trial of O.J. Simpson, Jo-Ellan Dimitrius, a relatively unknown trial strategist, was hired by Simpson’s defense team to help select the jury and prepare a trial strategy.[13] Dimitrius’ main job in 1995 was to design a questionnaire for voir dire which would help the defense select a jury that would be most sympathetic to Simpson’s side of the story.[14] Dimitrius studied the jurors’ body language, background, and comments during questioning, and then made recommendations to defense counsel.[15] In making her recommendations, Dimitrius was limited to the responses given by the jurors in voir dire.[16] Almost 10 years later, Dimitrius was hired by Scott Peterson’s defense team to help select a jury that would be most favorable to him.[17]

Unlike the O.J. Simpson trial where Dimitrius described the perfect juror as “a female African American with a high school education or less,” Dimitrius was looking for strong-willed people who were skeptical of authority and might believe that Laci Peterson, Scott Peterson’s wife, had died differently than the authorities were suggesting when selecting jurors for the Scott Peterson trial.[18] Once again, it was Dimitrius’ job to focus on the appearance of jurors and the way they answered questions during voir dire.[19] Juror responses to seemingly innocuous questions about favorite books, bumper stickers on their cars, religious affiliations, and which newspapers they read were turned in determinations about their personalities, their ability to keep an open mind during the trial, any bias they may hold towards either side, and ultimately the way they would rule at the end of the case.[20] Now, as “Bull” makes clear, jury selection doesn’t have to remain limited to the juror responses in court or their demeanor while they answer questions.[21]

The emergence of social media has greatly changed the process of juror selection.[22] Now instead of reviewing the information that jurors make available to attorneys in court, jury consultants and attorneys can access piles of additional information on a juror by conducting a simple internet search.[23] This presents a wealth of questions about the privacy to be afforded jurors and to the privacy of the jury process as a whole.[24] Ethically, the American Bar Association model rules say attorneys can conduct “passive” searches of social media profiles and the internet when researching jurors, as long as they do not “friend” the jurors on any social media sites to access additional information or act fraudulently.[25] Although ethically permissible, some courts have started to limit attorneys’ use of social media for the jury selection process.[26]

In Oracle Am., Inc. v. Google Inc., the court published an opinion regarding the use of social media in jury selection citing three main concerns: first, if jurors learn the attorneys are conducting internet searches into their lives, they will ignore the court’s instructions to not conduct searches into the attorneys and parties of the cases; second, allowing such in-depth searches of the potential jurors will allow attorneys to make inappropriate personal appeals to the jurors later in trial; and third, jurors are not the ones on trial during a case, and investigating them so heavily could be a breach of their right to privacy.[27] In this case, the court gave the attorneys two options: one) they could mutually consent to an outright ban on the use of the internet when conducting voir dire, and therefore have an extended period of time to ask the potential jurors additional questions; or two) they could use the internet, but they had to notify the jurors that they would be searching their social media sites, and the jurors will then be given an opportunity to adjust their privacy settings from their phones if they wish.[28] Either of these options has the potential to limit attorney’s access to information regarding the potential jurors, but may be the only way in which to protect the privacy rights that people have come to expect in today’s age.

Although unclear just how much of effect jury selection actually holds on the outcome of a case, it is unlikely that the use of jury consultants will slow down anytime soon. What is clear is that courts have started to take notice of the potential privacy problems which arise with the use of jury consultants and social media. [29] Only time will tell how courts decide to handle these issues as they arise.

 

 

[1] See generally Diana Walsh, The Peterson Trial / The art of high-stakes jury picking / 2 seasoned consultants compete in courtroom, SFGATE (Apr. 4, 2004) http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/THEPETERSONTRIALTheartofhighstakesjury2397588.php

[2] See American Bar Association, https://www.americanbar.org/groups/public_education/resources/law_related_education_network/how_courts_work/juryselect.html.

[3] See id.

[4] See id.

[5] See id.

[6] See id.

[7] See Sally Kane, Jury Consultant, The Balance (July 25, 2016), https://www.thebalance.com/jury-consultant-2164304.

[8] See id.

[9] See Simpson Defense Team Hires Jury Consultant, N.Y. Times (Aug. 11, 1994), http://www.nytimes.com/1994/08/11/us/simpson-defense-team-hires-jury-consultant.html.

[10] See Diana Walsh, supra note 1; Leslie Eaton, Working Women Dominate the Jury for Stewart’s Trial, N.Y. Times (Jan. 27, 2004), http://www.nytimes.com/2004/01/27/business/working-women-dominate-the-jury-for-stewart-s-trial.html.

[11] See Roy Futterman, Talking ‘Bull’: Episode 5, Just Tell The Truth, Law 360 (Oct. 26, 2016), http://www.law360.com/articles/855908/print?section=legalindustry

[12] See id.

[13] Marc Davis & Kevin Davis, Jury consultants are changing with the times 20 years after the OJ verdict, Aba Journal (Jan. 1, 2015).

[14] See Simpson Defense Team Hires Jury Consultant supra note 9.

[15] See id.

[16] See Meet the ‘Secret Weapon’ Who Told O.J. Simpson’s Attorneys How To Pick a Jury, Inside Edition (Mar. 15, 2016), http://www.insideedition.com/headlines/15265meetthesecretweaponwhotoldojsimpsonsattorneyshowtopickajury.

[17] See Diana Walsh supra note 1.

[18] See id.; Simpson Defense Team Hires Jury Consultant supra note 9.

[19] See Diana Walsh supra note 1.

[20] See id.

[21] See Roy Futterman supra note 11; Marc Davis supra note 13.

[22] Marc Davis supra note 13.

[23] See id.

[24] Oracle Am., Inc. v. Google Inc., No. C 10-03561 WHA, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 39675, at *6-10, (N.D. Cal. Mar. 25, 2016).

[25] Model Rules of Prof’l Conduct r. 3.5(b) (Am. Bar Ass’n 1983). Each state has the opportunity to create their own rules, however, so this is not necessarily the standard everywhere.

[26] See e.g., Oracle, supra note 24; Omni Healthcare Inc. et al. v. Health First Inc. et al., 6:13-cv-0150, ECF No. 330 (M.D. Fla. August 19, 2016).

[27] See Oracle, supra note 24.

[28] See id.

[29] See id.

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